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閱讀台灣媒體的評論文章（二）議題B 統獨爭議 Commentary Articles in Taiwan (II) Various Topics and Views predictable for native readers Topic B： Disputes on Taiwan Independence
議題B：統獨爭議
Disputes on Taiwan Independence
九二共識？達成＝存在？謊言？
Is the 92 Consensus a fait accompli or a lie?
一九九三年，兩岸代表於新加坡見面（辜汪會談），會後宣布兩位代表在“一個中國”的原則上，根據九二年兩岸香港會談後的多次溝通達成共識，內容包括：世界上只有一個中國，兩岸各自表述“中國”的意涵，台灣的中國國民黨稱之為“一個中國，兩個各自表述”（“一中各表”）。
Representative delegates from TWN/ROC and PRC met each other in Singapore (historically known as Wang-Gu Meeting) in 1993 and made a joint statement after the meeting that both party has finally reached something in common after several back and forth of communication following the Hong Kong Round of Talks in 1992, accepting jointly that there is only one China in the world, and both sides of the Taiwan strait may interpret the definition of China from respective prospective. (known or termed by KMT Party as "One China with Respective Description")
在這樣的共識下，兩岸有了合作交流基礎，雖然在李登輝總統和陳水扁總統的任内，兩岸關係一度停滯或倒退，但九二共識的精神一直主導兩岸的所有協議。
With such consensus in place, the PRC-TWN/ROC cooperation started to develop. In spite of the experience of sluggishness and retrogression of the cross-strait relationship during the rule of President Li and President Chen, the 92 Cross-Strait Consensus serves always as the guide line for further agreements between Taiwan and PRC.
馬英九總統在二〇一〇年推動兩岸簽訂經貿架構協議，之後兩岸開始按照計劃進行更密切的農產品和商品的貿易，開放更多的中國大陸旅遊團和個人來臺灣觀光，也開放更多的臺灣企業和個人前往大陸投資設厰或就業，根據統計，臺灣的經濟和就業市場都因此而受益。
After President Ma Ying Jiu succeeded in having the ECFA (Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement) signed by both sides of the Strait, closer trade of agriculture and commercial products smoothly rolled out, more individual tourists and tour groups gain permit to visit Taiwan, and more individuals and firms from Taiwan are allowed to start careers in Mainland China, which as shown by statistics benefited Taiwan's local economy and employment scene.
馬英九總統就職後，堅守“不統、不獨、不武”的三不原則，可以說是九二共識的具體延伸。
The Three No's announcement made by President Ma in his inauguration message (no unification with China, no declaration of Taiwan Independence, no resort to use of force) is actually a good extension of the 92 consensus.
所謂的“九二共識”根本就是國民黨自欺欺人，完全不存在的“共識”，也就是兩岸其實並沒有共識，如果有，就是兩岸都承認，對於“一個中國”的認知，兩岸只見沒有共識，只有歧見。“只有一個中國，卻又各自表述”是一個不合邏輯的説法，更何況中國共產黨一向只強調“一中”，從來沒有公開承認“各表”。如果我們接受了“九二共識”，就等於掉入了中共的圈套。
There isn't such thing called or knows as "the 92 consensus", it is purely a big lie from the KMT party. China and Taiwan have not reached consensus at all. The only common knowledge if any is that both China and Taiwan recognize that there is only divergence, rather than consensus between the two on the definition of China. It is totally against logical thinking to accept there is only one China and each of the two parties at the same time may have different views about what China means. What is more dangerous is that CCP stressed on One China, and has never shown official acceptance for "respective description". Once Taiwan accepts such consensus, Taiwan will be trapped into the reluctant recognition of One China in PRC's term.
臺灣已經是一個獨立的國家，有自己的憲法，也有自己的總統，任何改變臺灣現狀的行動和法律，都必須經過全體臺灣人民的共同決定。事實已經證明，臺灣與大陸是一邊一國，兩國之間的關係可以說是“特殊的國與國關係”。
Taiwan is already an independent state with its own constitution and elected president. Any change in the current status of Taiwan is subject to the decision of all citizens of Taiwan. The fact has manifested itself that Taiwan and China are two separate nations, and the relationship between Taiwan and China is a special one.
Disputes on Taiwan Independence
九二共識？達成＝存在？謊言？
Is the 92 Consensus a fait accompli or a lie?
一九九三年，兩岸代表於新加坡見面（辜汪會談），會後宣布兩位代表在“一個中國”的原則上，根據九二年兩岸香港會談後的多次溝通達成共識，內容包括：世界上只有一個中國，兩岸各自表述“中國”的意涵，台灣的中國國民黨稱之為“一個中國，兩個各自表述”（“一中各表”）。
Representative delegates from TWN/ROC and PRC met each other in Singapore (historically known as Wang-Gu Meeting) in 1993 and made a joint statement after the meeting that both party has finally reached something in common after several back and forth of communication following the Hong Kong Round of Talks in 1992, accepting jointly that there is only one China in the world, and both sides of the Taiwan strait may interpret the definition of China from respective prospective. (known or termed by KMT Party as "One China with Respective Description")
在這樣的共識下，兩岸有了合作交流基礎，雖然在李登輝總統和陳水扁總統的任内，兩岸關係一度停滯或倒退，但九二共識的精神一直主導兩岸的所有協議。
With such consensus in place, the PRC-TWN/ROC cooperation started to develop. In spite of the experience of sluggishness and retrogression of the cross-strait relationship during the rule of President Li and President Chen, the 92 Cross-Strait Consensus serves always as the guide line for further agreements between Taiwan and PRC.
馬英九總統在二〇一〇年推動兩岸簽訂經貿架構協議，之後兩岸開始按照計劃進行更密切的農產品和商品的貿易，開放更多的中國大陸旅遊團和個人來臺灣觀光，也開放更多的臺灣企業和個人前往大陸投資設厰或就業，根據統計，臺灣的經濟和就業市場都因此而受益。
After President Ma Ying Jiu succeeded in having the ECFA (Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement) signed by both sides of the Strait, closer trade of agriculture and commercial products smoothly rolled out, more individual tourists and tour groups gain permit to visit Taiwan, and more individuals and firms from Taiwan are allowed to start careers in Mainland China, which as shown by statistics benefited Taiwan's local economy and employment scene.
馬英九總統就職後，堅守“不統、不獨、不武”的三不原則，可以說是九二共識的具體延伸。
The Three No's announcement made by President Ma in his inauguration message (no unification with China, no declaration of Taiwan Independence, no resort to use of force) is actually a good extension of the 92 consensus.
所謂的“九二共識”根本就是國民黨自欺欺人，完全不存在的“共識”，也就是兩岸其實並沒有共識，如果有，就是兩岸都承認，對於“一個中國”的認知，兩岸只見沒有共識，只有歧見。“只有一個中國，卻又各自表述”是一個不合邏輯的説法，更何況中國共產黨一向只強調“一中”，從來沒有公開承認“各表”。如果我們接受了“九二共識”，就等於掉入了中共的圈套。
There isn't such thing called or knows as "the 92 consensus", it is purely a big lie from the KMT party. China and Taiwan have not reached consensus at all. The only common knowledge if any is that both China and Taiwan recognize that there is only divergence, rather than consensus between the two on the definition of China. It is totally against logical thinking to accept there is only one China and each of the two parties at the same time may have different views about what China means. What is more dangerous is that CCP stressed on One China, and has never shown official acceptance for "respective description". Once Taiwan accepts such consensus, Taiwan will be trapped into the reluctant recognition of One China in PRC's term.
臺灣已經是一個獨立的國家，有自己的憲法，也有自己的總統，任何改變臺灣現狀的行動和法律，都必須經過全體臺灣人民的共同決定。事實已經證明，臺灣與大陸是一邊一國，兩國之間的關係可以說是“特殊的國與國關係”。
Taiwan is already an independent state with its own constitution and elected president. Any change in the current status of Taiwan is subject to the decision of all citizens of Taiwan. The fact has manifested itself that Taiwan and China are two separate nations, and the relationship between Taiwan and China is a special one.
閱讀台灣媒體的評論文章（二）各類議題 議題A 選舉與執政 Commentary Articles in Taiwan (II) Various Topics and Views predictable for native readers Topic A Election and Ruling
閱讀台灣媒體的評論文章（二）各類議題 A
Various Topics and Views predictable for native readers
從藍綠陣營來預測立場
The Color tells it all
 |
| China Times (中國時報） United Daily(聯合報) Apple Daily (蘋果日報） Next Media (壹傳媒） Liberty Times (自由時報) |
As most media in Taiwan choose sides on the political and ideological spectrum (Deep Blue-Light Blue-Light Green-Deep Green, with a bit of red referring to Pro-PRC), the views and advocacies vary so much from each other that there isn't so little in common no matter what the topic or issues are. What may cause confusion for readers is that sometimes a view may flip completely just because the opposition party has switched to be the ruling party, i.e. the supporters of a certain policy may suddenly turn into antagonists.
唯一始終不會改變的立場是統一和獨立的選擇，始終是藍營促“統”，而綠營促“獨”。
The only thing that does not change after of the shift of power is the fact that the Pan Blue are urging for the "Reunification", while the Pan Green for the "Independence"
以下的議題，我會用兩種顏色（淺藍底藍字；淺綠底綠字）來顯示兩個陣營各執一詞的現狀
In the following passages, the view points, almost mutually exclusive, due to the divergence in ideology for pros and cons of unification/independence, will be marked in colors accordingly (blue font in light blue highlight and green font in light green highlight)
議題A：選舉與執政
Topic A: Election and Ruling
政黨輪替？政黨再次輪替？是把台灣帶向成功？還是帶向衰退、滅亡？
In Rotation of Ruling Power or Re-rotation, is Taiwan being led to success or failure?
兩蔣時代(The Era of the Two Chiangs in Ruling)：
臺灣(中華民國）開始軍事、社會和經濟建設，保存並復興傳統中華文化，全國軍民上下一心，努力建設國家，對抗共產中國的侵略。
Taiwan (ROC) started to construct everything including military, social and economic developments, as well as make efforts to preserve and restore the traditions of Chinese culture. People in Taiwan work jointly to build this country and fight jointly against the aggression of Communist China.
蔣經國（小蔣）啓動“十大建設”，把臺灣導向現代化，他任内（去世之前）解除戒嚴令，奠定了臺灣民主化的基礎。
President Jiang Jingguo (Chiang, the Junior) launched the "Ten Major Projects", which has brought Taiwan modernization. He also lifted the martial laws and many other similar bans, laying solid foundation of further democratization.
臺灣經歷外來政權高壓統治，社會精英遭迫害，本土文化遭壓迫，政府長期實施戒嚴，本土族群遭不公平對待，人民生活在恐怖和憤怒中。
Taiwanese suffered from oppressive governing of the "foreign" (non-local) regimes, and local elite class suffered from persecution, local culture and local community also suffered from discrimination. Extended martial laws has brought fear and rage onto the people.
儘管小蔣比他的父親重視臺灣的建設，但他畢竟還是一個獨裁者，對於黨外人士仍然採取各種迫害手段，他之所以接觸戒嚴，完全是因為受到各方的壓力才做出這樣的決定。
李登輝時代 (The Era of President Lee)
作爲蔣經國總統的接班人，李登輝總統積極領導臺灣走向民主，但他的本土主義和日本情結造成國民黨在臺灣的首次分裂。他暗中積極培植民進黨，多次發表台獨傾向明顯的言論，激化兩岸關係，企圖把美國捲進兩岸之間的矛盾。在他擔任總統十二年期間，他主張臺灣企業對大陸“戒急用忍”，使得臺灣錯失了多次進入中國取得貿易優勢的機會，埋下臺灣競爭力衰退的禍根。2000年民進黨候選人陳水扁當選後，大批憤怒的國民黨支持者示威抗議，要求李登輝辭去國民黨主席職位，李登輝被迫辭職，之後離開國民黨，成爲獨派政黨--“臺灣團結聯盟”（台聯黨）的領袖。對深藍人士而言，李登輝是國民黨的叛徒，是導致國民黨衰敗的罪人。
Being the successor of Jiang Jingguo, President Li Deng-hui took aggressive steps to bring democracy to Taiwan, but his localism and inclination toward Japan's right wing brought about the first split of KMT party in Taiwan. He secretly or indirectly provided resources to DPP (Democratic Progressive Party), and more than once did he issue statements openly promoting Taiwanese Independence, which he successfully aggravated the tension between Taiwan and PRC and involved US into cross-strait conflicts. During the 12 years of his presidency, Li insisted on the "Go Slowly" Policy to bar Taiwan businesses from investing in Chinese market before it is too late, which now proves to be the cause leading to weakening of Taiwan competitiveness, When DPP's Chen Shuibian won presidency in year 2000, thousands of KMT supporters protested against Li and demanded that he stepped down from the Chair of KMT, which he was forced to resign and become the leader of Taiwan Solidarity Alliance, a pro-independence party. For the deep-blue KMT, Li is a traitor, the culprit that caused KMT to fall apart.
在李登輝推動下，中華民國憲法經歷了數次修改，包括：國民大會虛級化，為總統全民直選奠定憲法基礎，總統職權義務修改，擴大總統職權，削弱國會監督力量，憲法學者認爲這是李登輝逐步走向台獨的鋪墊動作，稱之爲“憲法台獨”。
作爲蔣經國總統的接班人，李登輝總統積極領導臺灣走向民主，延續蔣經國的做法，致力於國民黨内部，政府官員的“本土化”，但這樣的舉動激怒了“外省族群”，引發了他們的“危機感”，這使得李登輝的一言一行都被曲解為“賣國”、“漢奸走狗”的行爲。李登輝忍辱負重，在國民黨内推行改革，反而被國民黨開除黨籍，但卻贏得臺灣人民的尊敬，“阿輝伯” 的名號在綠營中是沒有人不知道的。
Being the successor of Jiang Jingguo, President Li Deng-hui took aggressive steps to bring democracy to Taiwan, following the efforts of Jiang Jingguo, Li tried hard to localize the workforce within KMT and within the Government. This has triggered anger and anxiety from the "mainlander" group,who distorted everything Li said into an act of treason. President Li said nothing but eat humble pie in order to launch reforms within KMT, but ended up to be unexpectedly expelled by KMT. However he earned respect from all Taiwanese. "Uncle Hui" is a plausible name in the Pan-Green Circle.
陳水扁時代(The Era of President Chen)
陳水扁總統上臺時提出“四不一沒有”，承諾在任内不會進行任何推動台獨的政策，也邀請了社會公正客觀清廉人士加入他的“國政顧問團”，試圖扭轉李登輝主政十二年以來形成的國民黨和政府内部黑金腐敗的情況。在教育方面，陳水扁也承諾進行教育改革，打破當時教育的限制，給學生更多的發展機會。結果是，陳水扁多次在兩岸問題上玩文字遊戲，兩岸之間的貿易往來到處都是扁政府設置的障礙，加深了兩岸緊張；而學校教育方面，扁政府最重視的就是一系列的“去中國化”做法，企圖從語文、歷史和社會層面把“中國元素”徹底抹滅，而原來承諾的改革，由於缺乏全盤思考，最後是家長覺得越改越亂，學生覺得越改越苦，老師覺得越改越低劣；在官員操守方面，陳水扁不但無法約束親信人士的貪腐行爲，反而為其掩護脫罪，最後終于激發了國内大規模的反扁、反貪腐的示威活動，延續數月，原來的“臺灣之子”，在重重的貪腐包庇事實下，成了“臺灣之恥”。陳水扁主政時期，似乎是任何人只要說“愛臺灣”，他犯的錯都可以被原諒；諷刺的是，一個人要是不大聲說他“愛臺灣”，他做得再好也可能會“出賣臺灣”，這是什麽邏輯？
President Chen announced “Four No's and One Without" as his guiding principal for cross-strait relationship and promised not to promote any motion toward the independence of Taiwan during his presidency, meantime he also recruited a large team of social elite with good reputation of integrity and righteousness to serve as his consultants for state affairs hoping it will turn around the erosion brought about by the money politics flourishing during the 12 years' presidency of Li Deng-hui. On education, Pres. Chen promised to carry out reforms to set free the educational system and allow more room for development. In practice however, Chen was actually playing rhetoric game in cross-strait relationship, blocking the trade between Taiwan and China, threatening the bi-lateral relationship. What Chen did about Education reforms was to de-sinify (energetically erasing the traces of Chinese culture and history from Taiwan's text books and arts) , while his commitment to provide more opportunities to learn end up in disaster: students finding the studying even more torturing, their parents finding the system even more perplexing, and teachers finding the schooling even lower in quality. As for the promised integrity of his administration, President Chen failed to refrain his relatives and followers from corrupted activities, and tried to cover it up for them with his presidential power, which eventually triggered massive and extended protests from the citizens, and the positive acclamation of "Son of Taiwan" for him has become a sarcasm as "Shame of Taiwan". The expression of "I love Taiwan" under Chen's ruling has ironically become a protective charm that acquits any disciplinary offense or any misconduct of politicians, and those who did not cry out loud that they love Taiwan will be deemed traitors by the Green Camp.
“兩顆子彈”的謎
陳水扁2004年連任成功的過程充滿了爭議性，一直到現在還被人民質疑：在投票日前夕，陳水扁和副總統候選人呂秀蓮在台南沿街拜票時，遭到不明人物以土製手槍攻擊，兩人均遭輕傷，激起臺灣人民的民族情緒，翻轉了原來低迷的選情。藍營認爲這是低劣而狡猾的選舉花招，稱之爲“奧步”（惡劣做法）。儘管抗議群衆最終被迫接受陳水扁連任的事實，但這段不名譽的當選故事，成爲民進黨心中永遠的痛。這個事件之後，臺灣民衆出現了信任的分裂，不管司法機関如何判決、警察單位如何認定，相信的人和不相信的人都不再接受另一种説辭，出現了“信者恆信；不信者恆不信”的現象。
The mystery of "Two Bullets"
The successful re-election of Chen Shuibian in 2004 was actually quite controversial and will never clear the doubt about its ligitimacy. The day just before the voting day, Chen and Annette Lyu, his campaigning partner were shot at by so-called assassin with a backyard pistol. Both of them were minimally wounded, but this triggered emotional voting repercussion that turned around the gloomy electoral outlook for DPP. The Blue Camp categorized this action a treacherous campaigning trick, calling it "Ao Bu" (tacky step). The protesting blue voters had little choice but accepting the fact that Chen has won the election in an infamous way, believing this shameful story will remain an eteral pain in the hearts of DPP supporters. The aftermath is that Taiwanese began to be divided in believing an account described by public offices (Court's verdict, Police report): those who believe will permanently believe, while those who disbelieve will remain disbelieving.
陳水扁以一個臺灣南部貧窮人家孩子的背景，透過努力從律師、議員，最後爭取到總統大位，是臺灣人民努力向上的典型，臺灣人民叫他“阿扁”，把他當作是“臺灣之子”。他上臺後，國民黨佔多數的國會（立法院）一直不斷地給他穿小鞋，深藍媒體只要一有機會就“修理”他，對他所有的言行，都用放大鏡來檢視，連他夫人、兒女的生活也備受騷擾。
陳水扁要社會和教育上建立臺灣主體意識、臺灣權益優先、愛臺灣有理的觀念，卻遭到藍營的惡意攻擊，和大陸聯手批評。這是對台灣人的粗暴行爲，對臺灣人人權的踐踏。
陳水扁（“阿扁總統”）當選後，的確有不少人想要利用機會得到利益，但是統牌媒體和藍營人士卻想盡辦法陷害總統，目的就是打擊總統領導國家的正當性，絲毫不顧國家的安定和發展，其心惡毒，讓人不敢相信。
President Chen won the election and become the first "Poor Taiwanese" President, who grew up in impoverished background and worked hard to strive from the status of lawyer, congressman to president. His story has become a legend for all Taiwanese who are striving upward. His nickname is either "A Bian/@bian" or "Son of Taiwan". After Chen took office, the KMT-led Legislative Yuan created obstacles to block his policies, and the unfriendly media run by Deep Blue journalists spare no efforts to criticize and examine him and his family members almost anatomically. A Bian wanted to reestablish Taiwanese Pride, Priority for Taiwan and Outspoken Love for Taiwan, but was ill interpreted by Blue Media, who collaborated with China's official media. We regard this as political violence against Taiwanese and violation of Taiwanese' human rights.
It is true that many opportunists sought ways to obtain personal gains by getting closer to Chen and his family after his inauguration, but the Pro-Unification Media in Taiwan and other Pan Blue politicians tried all possible ways to frame President Chen, attempting to damage his legitimacy to rule this country. This intention is unbelievably evil as they would do without any concerns over the stability and development of Taiwan.
阿扁躲過暗殺
在陳水扁競選連任期間，投票日前夕遭到不明人士射擊，陳總統運氣好沒有被傷到要害，躲過一劫，但卻被對手污衊為自導自演，試想誰會為了當總統而拿自己生命安全當賭注？這證明藍營爲了毀滅一個人的名譽可以說出任何不負責任的話。
Surviving an Attempted Assassination
During a campaigning tour, A Bian was attacked by someone with a pistol and survived this horrifying assassination by sheer luck. It is so cruel of the opponents to describe this tragedy as a self-directed episode. Who would risk his own life just to win an election? What they said about this attempted assassination only prove that those in Blue Camp would go this far to say something so irresponsible only to ruin a person's reputation.
馬英九時代(The Era of President Ma)
馬英九在一片反貪腐和救經濟的呼聲中贏得了總統的大選，就職之初的支持率和看好程度超過百分之六十四。馬總統的政策主軸是“重建廉潔政府”、“推動兩岸和諧”、“恢復國際信任”，“經濟六三三目標”（經濟成長率6%、國民所得達3萬美元、失業率低於3%），“愛台十二大建設”，而實際的做法中，大部分都涉及如何跟中國保持友好關係，連經濟議題也依賴中國經濟崛起的勢頭來提振臺灣日漸衰退的生產力。
馬英九當選總統時，國會的多數也是自己的國民黨，照理說，總統的意志會得到國會裏同黨同志的支持，很容易就能執行！但實際的情況卻不然，原因有二：（一）馬英九相信“精英治國”路綫，政府和親信官員不是博士教授，就是學者專家，常常是理論挂帥，實務經驗不足，特別容易跟民意脫節，代表基層民意的立法委員覺得馬英九不能解決老百姓的真正問題；（二）馬英九重視兩岸関係的緩和，把恢復兩岸和諧當作重要使命，這種急切的態度，引起了臺灣人民的焦慮，也引起美國的不安，立法院中國民黨的本土派的反彈特別強烈。
馬英九所遭受的阻力，除了來自反對陣營（獨派），也來自自己的陣營（國民黨、親民黨），儘管在外交領域，馬英九憑著自己的國際視野和外語口才，為國民爭取到大幅的進步（免簽證待遇和經貿合作），但面對國内惡化的失業、低薪、物價問題，馬英九的團隊的反應總是太慢，這使得馬英九失去了年輕人的支持。
President Ma Yingjiu won the election for his promise to fight against corruption and boost up the economy, and he enjoyed high support rate from the people after he took office in 2008, which read at 64 percent. Apparently, Ma focused on a) rebuild a clean government; b) re-open the channel for cross-strait harmony; c) regain trust from international community; d) economic project for 6-3-3 (6% as annual growth, U$ 30 thousand for per capita GDP and unemployment rate below 3%); e) twelve construction projects for Taiwan. What Ma actually started with was to build closer tie with PRC, hoping Taiwan may get free ride and boost as China rises energetically in economy.
Theoretically, Ma should be capable of pushing his policies through as KMT held majority of the seats in Legislature and KMT legislators will endorse KMT president without hesitation, but the situations were not actually so, because 1) Ma preferred to hire high-profiled professors or scholars, who excelled in theories but lacked practical experience, so this elitism pulled Ma away from citizens' opinions, and the legislators elected by voters believed Ma has failed voters; 2) Ma paid special attention to the detente in cross-strait relationship, and regarded the cross-strait harmony a great mission. This kind of eagerness from Ma has brought about anxiety among Taiwanese, unease from the US, and strong rebuff from the localist faction within KMT.
The resistance against Ma came partly from antagonistic parties, partly from fellow KMT members. Ma may enjoy achievements in diplomatic arena (such as Visa Waiver Status from many countries and further cooperation with them) by means of his international charisma, but suffer even greater setback in answering to more serious issues such as staggering unemployment, low salary and pricy livelihood, which made Ma the target for criticism among younger generation.
議題A：選舉與執政
Topic A: Election and Ruling
政黨輪替？政黨再次輪替？是把台灣帶向成功？還是帶向衰退、滅亡？
In Rotation of Ruling Power or Re-rotation, is Taiwan being led to success or failure?
兩蔣時代(The Era of the Two Chiangs in Ruling)：
臺灣(中華民國）開始軍事、社會和經濟建設，保存並復興傳統中華文化，全國軍民上下一心，努力建設國家，對抗共產中國的侵略。
Taiwan (ROC) started to construct everything including military, social and economic developments, as well as make efforts to preserve and restore the traditions of Chinese culture. People in Taiwan work jointly to build this country and fight jointly against the aggression of Communist China.
蔣經國（小蔣）啓動“十大建設”，把臺灣導向現代化，他任内（去世之前）解除戒嚴令，奠定了臺灣民主化的基礎。
President Jiang Jingguo (Chiang, the Junior) launched the "Ten Major Projects", which has brought Taiwan modernization. He also lifted the martial laws and many other similar bans, laying solid foundation of further democratization.
臺灣經歷外來政權高壓統治，社會精英遭迫害，本土文化遭壓迫，政府長期實施戒嚴，本土族群遭不公平對待，人民生活在恐怖和憤怒中。
Taiwanese suffered from oppressive governing of the "foreign" (non-local) regimes, and local elite class suffered from persecution, local culture and local community also suffered from discrimination. Extended martial laws has brought fear and rage onto the people.
儘管小蔣比他的父親重視臺灣的建設，但他畢竟還是一個獨裁者，對於黨外人士仍然採取各種迫害手段，他之所以接觸戒嚴，完全是因為受到各方的壓力才做出這樣的決定。
李登輝時代 (The Era of President Lee)
作爲蔣經國總統的接班人，李登輝總統積極領導臺灣走向民主，但他的本土主義和日本情結造成國民黨在臺灣的首次分裂。他暗中積極培植民進黨，多次發表台獨傾向明顯的言論，激化兩岸關係，企圖把美國捲進兩岸之間的矛盾。在他擔任總統十二年期間，他主張臺灣企業對大陸“戒急用忍”，使得臺灣錯失了多次進入中國取得貿易優勢的機會，埋下臺灣競爭力衰退的禍根。2000年民進黨候選人陳水扁當選後，大批憤怒的國民黨支持者示威抗議，要求李登輝辭去國民黨主席職位，李登輝被迫辭職，之後離開國民黨，成爲獨派政黨--“臺灣團結聯盟”（台聯黨）的領袖。對深藍人士而言，李登輝是國民黨的叛徒，是導致國民黨衰敗的罪人。
Being the successor of Jiang Jingguo, President Li Deng-hui took aggressive steps to bring democracy to Taiwan, but his localism and inclination toward Japan's right wing brought about the first split of KMT party in Taiwan. He secretly or indirectly provided resources to DPP (Democratic Progressive Party), and more than once did he issue statements openly promoting Taiwanese Independence, which he successfully aggravated the tension between Taiwan and PRC and involved US into cross-strait conflicts. During the 12 years of his presidency, Li insisted on the "Go Slowly" Policy to bar Taiwan businesses from investing in Chinese market before it is too late, which now proves to be the cause leading to weakening of Taiwan competitiveness, When DPP's Chen Shuibian won presidency in year 2000, thousands of KMT supporters protested against Li and demanded that he stepped down from the Chair of KMT, which he was forced to resign and become the leader of Taiwan Solidarity Alliance, a pro-independence party. For the deep-blue KMT, Li is a traitor, the culprit that caused KMT to fall apart.
在李登輝推動下，中華民國憲法經歷了數次修改，包括：國民大會虛級化，為總統全民直選奠定憲法基礎，總統職權義務修改，擴大總統職權，削弱國會監督力量，憲法學者認爲這是李登輝逐步走向台獨的鋪墊動作，稱之爲“憲法台獨”。
作爲蔣經國總統的接班人，李登輝總統積極領導臺灣走向民主，延續蔣經國的做法，致力於國民黨内部，政府官員的“本土化”，但這樣的舉動激怒了“外省族群”，引發了他們的“危機感”，這使得李登輝的一言一行都被曲解為“賣國”、“漢奸走狗”的行爲。李登輝忍辱負重，在國民黨内推行改革，反而被國民黨開除黨籍，但卻贏得臺灣人民的尊敬，“阿輝伯” 的名號在綠營中是沒有人不知道的。
Being the successor of Jiang Jingguo, President Li Deng-hui took aggressive steps to bring democracy to Taiwan, following the efforts of Jiang Jingguo, Li tried hard to localize the workforce within KMT and within the Government. This has triggered anger and anxiety from the "mainlander" group,who distorted everything Li said into an act of treason. President Li said nothing but eat humble pie in order to launch reforms within KMT, but ended up to be unexpectedly expelled by KMT. However he earned respect from all Taiwanese. "Uncle Hui" is a plausible name in the Pan-Green Circle.
陳水扁時代(The Era of President Chen)
陳水扁總統上臺時提出“四不一沒有”，承諾在任内不會進行任何推動台獨的政策，也邀請了社會公正客觀清廉人士加入他的“國政顧問團”，試圖扭轉李登輝主政十二年以來形成的國民黨和政府内部黑金腐敗的情況。在教育方面，陳水扁也承諾進行教育改革，打破當時教育的限制，給學生更多的發展機會。結果是，陳水扁多次在兩岸問題上玩文字遊戲，兩岸之間的貿易往來到處都是扁政府設置的障礙，加深了兩岸緊張；而學校教育方面，扁政府最重視的就是一系列的“去中國化”做法，企圖從語文、歷史和社會層面把“中國元素”徹底抹滅，而原來承諾的改革，由於缺乏全盤思考，最後是家長覺得越改越亂，學生覺得越改越苦，老師覺得越改越低劣；在官員操守方面，陳水扁不但無法約束親信人士的貪腐行爲，反而為其掩護脫罪，最後終于激發了國内大規模的反扁、反貪腐的示威活動，延續數月，原來的“臺灣之子”，在重重的貪腐包庇事實下，成了“臺灣之恥”。陳水扁主政時期，似乎是任何人只要說“愛臺灣”，他犯的錯都可以被原諒；諷刺的是，一個人要是不大聲說他“愛臺灣”，他做得再好也可能會“出賣臺灣”，這是什麽邏輯？
President Chen announced “Four No's and One Without" as his guiding principal for cross-strait relationship and promised not to promote any motion toward the independence of Taiwan during his presidency, meantime he also recruited a large team of social elite with good reputation of integrity and righteousness to serve as his consultants for state affairs hoping it will turn around the erosion brought about by the money politics flourishing during the 12 years' presidency of Li Deng-hui. On education, Pres. Chen promised to carry out reforms to set free the educational system and allow more room for development. In practice however, Chen was actually playing rhetoric game in cross-strait relationship, blocking the trade between Taiwan and China, threatening the bi-lateral relationship. What Chen did about Education reforms was to de-sinify (energetically erasing the traces of Chinese culture and history from Taiwan's text books and arts) , while his commitment to provide more opportunities to learn end up in disaster: students finding the studying even more torturing, their parents finding the system even more perplexing, and teachers finding the schooling even lower in quality. As for the promised integrity of his administration, President Chen failed to refrain his relatives and followers from corrupted activities, and tried to cover it up for them with his presidential power, which eventually triggered massive and extended protests from the citizens, and the positive acclamation of "Son of Taiwan" for him has become a sarcasm as "Shame of Taiwan". The expression of "I love Taiwan" under Chen's ruling has ironically become a protective charm that acquits any disciplinary offense or any misconduct of politicians, and those who did not cry out loud that they love Taiwan will be deemed traitors by the Green Camp.
“兩顆子彈”的謎
陳水扁2004年連任成功的過程充滿了爭議性，一直到現在還被人民質疑：在投票日前夕，陳水扁和副總統候選人呂秀蓮在台南沿街拜票時，遭到不明人物以土製手槍攻擊，兩人均遭輕傷，激起臺灣人民的民族情緒，翻轉了原來低迷的選情。藍營認爲這是低劣而狡猾的選舉花招，稱之爲“奧步”（惡劣做法）。儘管抗議群衆最終被迫接受陳水扁連任的事實，但這段不名譽的當選故事，成爲民進黨心中永遠的痛。這個事件之後，臺灣民衆出現了信任的分裂，不管司法機関如何判決、警察單位如何認定，相信的人和不相信的人都不再接受另一种説辭，出現了“信者恆信；不信者恆不信”的現象。
The mystery of "Two Bullets"
The successful re-election of Chen Shuibian in 2004 was actually quite controversial and will never clear the doubt about its ligitimacy. The day just before the voting day, Chen and Annette Lyu, his campaigning partner were shot at by so-called assassin with a backyard pistol. Both of them were minimally wounded, but this triggered emotional voting repercussion that turned around the gloomy electoral outlook for DPP. The Blue Camp categorized this action a treacherous campaigning trick, calling it "Ao Bu" (tacky step). The protesting blue voters had little choice but accepting the fact that Chen has won the election in an infamous way, believing this shameful story will remain an eteral pain in the hearts of DPP supporters. The aftermath is that Taiwanese began to be divided in believing an account described by public offices (Court's verdict, Police report): those who believe will permanently believe, while those who disbelieve will remain disbelieving.
陳水扁以一個臺灣南部貧窮人家孩子的背景，透過努力從律師、議員，最後爭取到總統大位，是臺灣人民努力向上的典型，臺灣人民叫他“阿扁”，把他當作是“臺灣之子”。他上臺後，國民黨佔多數的國會（立法院）一直不斷地給他穿小鞋，深藍媒體只要一有機會就“修理”他，對他所有的言行，都用放大鏡來檢視，連他夫人、兒女的生活也備受騷擾。
陳水扁要社會和教育上建立臺灣主體意識、臺灣權益優先、愛臺灣有理的觀念，卻遭到藍營的惡意攻擊，和大陸聯手批評。這是對台灣人的粗暴行爲，對臺灣人人權的踐踏。
陳水扁（“阿扁總統”）當選後，的確有不少人想要利用機會得到利益，但是統牌媒體和藍營人士卻想盡辦法陷害總統，目的就是打擊總統領導國家的正當性，絲毫不顧國家的安定和發展，其心惡毒，讓人不敢相信。
President Chen won the election and become the first "Poor Taiwanese" President, who grew up in impoverished background and worked hard to strive from the status of lawyer, congressman to president. His story has become a legend for all Taiwanese who are striving upward. His nickname is either "A Bian/@bian" or "Son of Taiwan". After Chen took office, the KMT-led Legislative Yuan created obstacles to block his policies, and the unfriendly media run by Deep Blue journalists spare no efforts to criticize and examine him and his family members almost anatomically. A Bian wanted to reestablish Taiwanese Pride, Priority for Taiwan and Outspoken Love for Taiwan, but was ill interpreted by Blue Media, who collaborated with China's official media. We regard this as political violence against Taiwanese and violation of Taiwanese' human rights.
It is true that many opportunists sought ways to obtain personal gains by getting closer to Chen and his family after his inauguration, but the Pro-Unification Media in Taiwan and other Pan Blue politicians tried all possible ways to frame President Chen, attempting to damage his legitimacy to rule this country. This intention is unbelievably evil as they would do without any concerns over the stability and development of Taiwan.
阿扁躲過暗殺
在陳水扁競選連任期間，投票日前夕遭到不明人士射擊，陳總統運氣好沒有被傷到要害，躲過一劫，但卻被對手污衊為自導自演，試想誰會為了當總統而拿自己生命安全當賭注？這證明藍營爲了毀滅一個人的名譽可以說出任何不負責任的話。
Surviving an Attempted Assassination
During a campaigning tour, A Bian was attacked by someone with a pistol and survived this horrifying assassination by sheer luck. It is so cruel of the opponents to describe this tragedy as a self-directed episode. Who would risk his own life just to win an election? What they said about this attempted assassination only prove that those in Blue Camp would go this far to say something so irresponsible only to ruin a person's reputation.
馬英九時代(The Era of President Ma)
馬英九在一片反貪腐和救經濟的呼聲中贏得了總統的大選，就職之初的支持率和看好程度超過百分之六十四。馬總統的政策主軸是“重建廉潔政府”、“推動兩岸和諧”、“恢復國際信任”，“經濟六三三目標”（經濟成長率6%、國民所得達3萬美元、失業率低於3%），“愛台十二大建設”，而實際的做法中，大部分都涉及如何跟中國保持友好關係，連經濟議題也依賴中國經濟崛起的勢頭來提振臺灣日漸衰退的生產力。
馬英九當選總統時，國會的多數也是自己的國民黨，照理說，總統的意志會得到國會裏同黨同志的支持，很容易就能執行！但實際的情況卻不然，原因有二：（一）馬英九相信“精英治國”路綫，政府和親信官員不是博士教授，就是學者專家，常常是理論挂帥，實務經驗不足，特別容易跟民意脫節，代表基層民意的立法委員覺得馬英九不能解決老百姓的真正問題；（二）馬英九重視兩岸関係的緩和，把恢復兩岸和諧當作重要使命，這種急切的態度，引起了臺灣人民的焦慮，也引起美國的不安，立法院中國民黨的本土派的反彈特別強烈。
馬英九所遭受的阻力，除了來自反對陣營（獨派），也來自自己的陣營（國民黨、親民黨），儘管在外交領域，馬英九憑著自己的國際視野和外語口才，為國民爭取到大幅的進步（免簽證待遇和經貿合作），但面對國内惡化的失業、低薪、物價問題，馬英九的團隊的反應總是太慢，這使得馬英九失去了年輕人的支持。
President Ma Yingjiu won the election for his promise to fight against corruption and boost up the economy, and he enjoyed high support rate from the people after he took office in 2008, which read at 64 percent. Apparently, Ma focused on a) rebuild a clean government; b) re-open the channel for cross-strait harmony; c) regain trust from international community; d) economic project for 6-3-3 (6% as annual growth, U$ 30 thousand for per capita GDP and unemployment rate below 3%); e) twelve construction projects for Taiwan. What Ma actually started with was to build closer tie with PRC, hoping Taiwan may get free ride and boost as China rises energetically in economy.
Theoretically, Ma should be capable of pushing his policies through as KMT held majority of the seats in Legislature and KMT legislators will endorse KMT president without hesitation, but the situations were not actually so, because 1) Ma preferred to hire high-profiled professors or scholars, who excelled in theories but lacked practical experience, so this elitism pulled Ma away from citizens' opinions, and the legislators elected by voters believed Ma has failed voters; 2) Ma paid special attention to the detente in cross-strait relationship, and regarded the cross-strait harmony a great mission. This kind of eagerness from Ma has brought about anxiety among Taiwanese, unease from the US, and strong rebuff from the localist faction within KMT.
The resistance against Ma came partly from antagonistic parties, partly from fellow KMT members. Ma may enjoy achievements in diplomatic arena (such as Visa Waiver Status from many countries and further cooperation with them) by means of his international charisma, but suffer even greater setback in answering to more serious issues such as staggering unemployment, low salary and pricy livelihood, which made Ma the target for criticism among younger generation.
正如陳水扁總統曾遭遇的紅衫軍全國倒扁的示威，馬英九也面臨白衫軍的倒馬示威，之後還發生了太陽花學運，雖然導致的原因不同，但反映的社會心態卻很類似，那就是對政府的高度不滿和不信任。
As Chen Shuibian suffered the embarrassing demonstration by "red-shirted army" during his term, Ma was also picketed by "white-shirted army", followed by "sun flower student movement". The triggering event may be different, while the motivation behind was the same, i.e. highly disatisfaction and discredit on the incombent.
馬英九執政的八年，儘管因為國際大環境的不景氣，人民對國家經濟的衰退感到極度不安，但馬所推動的各項建設，以及外交上的明顯成就，都有清楚的數字和排名作為證明，但反對者只相信各種泛綠媒體的不實宣傳，惡意引用外國媒體被誤導的結論來污名化馬政府的所有貢獻，連馬政府決定多做少說，繼續默默努力，也被曲解為傲慢和麻木，馬的支持者也會抱怨馬對反對陣營太弱勢，缺乏壓制對方的魄力！
Although the global economic climate over the eight years of Ma's presidency has been gloomy and cast Taiwanese into intense anxiety of insecurity, the progress in nation-wide infrastruction and Taiwan's foreign relationships was obvious with the support of clear statistics. However, these praise-worthy achievements were smeared with disbelief via distorted propaganda against Ma from the Pan-green media who always quoted conclusion from foreign media they successfully misled. Ma's preference in doing it rather than claiming it, his perseverance in doing something right were described as an attitude of arrogance and insensitivity. Even people in the supporting camp complained that Ma has been too quiet and tolerating toward those who attacked him, that Ma should have shown some guts by fighting back.
馬英九是國民黨的官二代，天之驕子，從小就享盡人生優勢，在美國留學期間就跟在美國的臺灣民主勢力對抗，經常壓迫海外的台灣人，回到臺灣仍然繼續擁護國民黨的保守勢力，是阻礙臺灣民主進程的殺手。我們尊敬的阿輝伯曾經高舉著他的手，說馬英九是新台灣人，但是後來馬英九的言行讓他大大的失望，居然還代表國民黨黨員要求他辭掉黨主席的位置，真是恩將仇報。
Ma Yingjiu was born the second generation of government officials, enjoying all the privileges since childhood. He has a history of oppressing overseas democratic movement of Taiwanese and continued to embrace the Tory faction of KMT after returning to Taiwan, resisting any effort to push Taiwan onward to democracy. "Uncle Hui" once held up Ma's arm and presented him as a
"New Taiwanese" and got so disappointed later when hearing what Ma said and seeing what Ma did. Li Denghui was forced to step down from the chair in KMT by motion initiated by Ma Yingjiu, the ungrateful rascal.
馬英九對前任總統陳水扁的追殺更是讓人不寒而慄，阿扁才卸任，馬政府就假司法之名對他展開大規模迫害，把所有的貪腐罪名都羅織在他身上，對他的家人也不放過，完全不顧民衆對阿扁的聲援和支持。
馬英九口口聲聲說依法治國，打擊貪腐，但在他的任内，多少的國民黨籍官員，包括地方父母官，立法院國民黨黨鞭人物等，紛紛被查出與商界勾結，公器私用，這個與他嚴厲批判的前政府有什麽不同？
後馬時代 (the Post-Ma Era）
Ma Yingjiu was born the second generation of government officials, enjoying all the privileges since childhood. He has a history of oppressing overseas democratic movement of Taiwanese and continued to embrace the Tory faction of KMT after returning to Taiwan, resisting any effort to push Taiwan onward to democracy. "Uncle Hui" once held up Ma's arm and presented him as a
"New Taiwanese" and got so disappointed later when hearing what Ma said and seeing what Ma did. Li Denghui was forced to step down from the chair in KMT by motion initiated by Ma Yingjiu, the ungrateful rascal.
馬英九對前任總統陳水扁的追殺更是讓人不寒而慄，阿扁才卸任，馬政府就假司法之名對他展開大規模迫害，把所有的貪腐罪名都羅織在他身上，對他的家人也不放過，完全不顧民衆對阿扁的聲援和支持。
The persecution from Ma administration onto Chen Shuibian, the former president would make any observer speechless with shivers. The very day when Chen stepped down from the leadership of the nation, Ma administration started the persecution on him under the pretax of judiciary, bringing all kinds of false charges of corruption on Chen just to lock him and his family in jail. The appeal from people against this incriminatory action was totally ignored.
馬英九口口聲聲說依法治國，打擊貪腐，但在他的任内，多少的國民黨籍官員，包括地方父母官，立法院國民黨黨鞭人物等，紛紛被查出與商界勾結，公器私用，這個與他嚴厲批判的前政府有什麽不同？
Ma has declared loudly and repeatedly that he would rule the nation with law only and would root out corruption. The truth is cases of malfiscance and collusion with interest groups were reported against all level of officials including a county magistate, a KMT's disciplinary caucus leader and more others. It seemed that the governance Ma vowed to bring to the nation was no difference from the one he criticized harshly.
後馬時代 (the Post-Ma Era）
後馬時代始於馬英九連任後二年，一方面藍綠長期惡鬥帶來了台灣公民覺醒，另一方面中國經濟崛起在全世界造成旋風，加重了台灣民眾的焦慮感，而馬英九急於讓臺灣搭上順風車的種種作法，被部份台灣人民理解為「親中賣台」，因此連續引發了「白衫軍」全台抗議，以及「太陽花學生運動」。
The Post-Ma Era started as early as the third year after Ma's reelection, when the white-shirted army and the sun flower protesting students rose up against Ma owing to the following backdrops: on one hand the prolonged bickering wars between Pan Blue and Pan Green has sickened Taiwanese and has brought about awakening among citizens; 2) Taiwanese started to feel more and more anxious and threatened about the global economic rise of China, while the ROC President promoted policies to enjoy "free rides" from China, an intention interpreted by some Taiwanese as an act of toadiness to China and betrayal of Taiwan.
白衫軍抗議起因於軍中長期不當管教，漠視人權；太陽花學運則起因於立法院國民黨企圖以黑箱作業通過兩岸服貿協議。表面上都不應該歸咎於馬英九本人，但由於馬團隊輕忽了民眾的不滿，再加上綠營不斷炒作「馬政府傲慢，馬團隊無能」的印象，這兩度的社會動蕩，讓中間選民也對馬政府喪失信心，二〇一四年國民黨各層的候選人在七合一選舉中遭到重大挫折，連台北市的市長寶座也輸給了偏綠的政治素人柯文哲，得到馬英九出馬背書的候選人，大部分都沒選上，馬英九從此成了“票”房毒藥。
The Protest of White-shirted Army was to vent people's anger against the inhumane treatment commonly found in military service, and the Sun Flower Movement was triggered by the outrageous manner of KMT Legislators forcing the passage of agreement on cross-strait cooperation of service industries. Ma Yingjiu was not the person to bear the blame actually, but his tendency to play around with people's anger, further lavened by DPP's portraying Ma as an arrogant and incompetent leader, cost KMT all the confidence left within the middle liners. Most candidates endorsed by Ma lost in the Seven-in-One election in 2014, and KMT mayoral candidate of Taipei lost the election to Ke Wenzhe, a candidate without partisan background at all. Ma's endorsement was generally regarded by candidates as poisonous and dreadful.
The Protest of White-shirted Army was to vent people's anger against the inhumane treatment commonly found in military service, and the Sun Flower Movement was triggered by the outrageous manner of KMT Legislators forcing the passage of agreement on cross-strait cooperation of service industries. Ma Yingjiu was not the person to bear the blame actually, but his tendency to play around with people's anger, further lavened by DPP's portraying Ma as an arrogant and incompetent leader, cost KMT all the confidence left within the middle liners. Most candidates endorsed by Ma lost in the Seven-in-One election in 2014, and KMT mayoral candidate of Taipei lost the election to Ke Wenzhe, a candidate without partisan background at all. Ma's endorsement was generally regarded by candidates as poisonous and dreadful.
民進黨黨主席蔡英文在二〇一二總統大選中年敗選，但她從年輕世代身上凝聚了強大的動能，從校園到網路世界，她以更能打動年輕人的語言，不斷吸引年輕世代的支持，這樣的情況經過四年的經營，形成了一股難以阻擋了力量。馬英九主政年代，國民黨内部鬥爭不斷，黨内完全不見對新人的栽培，這也注定了二〇一六政黨三度輪替的命運。
Cai Yingwen, the Chairman of DPP was defeated in the Presidential Election in 2012, but the momentum she managed to gain and gather did not stop and continue to grow toward the next campaign. Young folks like her for her warm and down-to-earth language, voiced and repeated around all campuses and the cyber world, thus an unstoppable force has been formed. Contrasting this with the inner conflicts constantly taking place within KMT party, and the absence of any plan to foster young blood, one may predict quite easily the coming of the third round of power rotation.
Cai Yingwen, the Chairman of DPP was defeated in the Presidential Election in 2012, but the momentum she managed to gain and gather did not stop and continue to grow toward the next campaign. Young folks like her for her warm and down-to-earth language, voiced and repeated around all campuses and the cyber world, thus an unstoppable force has been formed. Contrasting this with the inner conflicts constantly taking place within KMT party, and the absence of any plan to foster young blood, one may predict quite easily the coming of the third round of power rotation.
2016年5月30日 星期一
閲讀臺灣地區評論文章（一）Commentary Articles in Taiwan (I) 文章特色 Some Features
閲讀臺灣地區評論文章（一）
Commentary Articles in Taiwan (I)
臺灣報紙評論文章特色
characteristics in the Taiwan's commentary pieces
（一） 以藍綠立場論事(兩極化)
臺灣報紙立場鮮明，大致可以分爲親中、反綠、反藍、反中和獨派，親中和反綠的被認爲是“統派媒體”屬於泛藍陣營，言論中有明顯的反對臺灣獨立的論述。反藍、反中以及獨派的媒體被認爲是“獨派媒體”，屬於泛綠陣營。政治議題、國家前途議題、經貿議題、教育議題，甚至文化科技議題等都會因爲媒體陣營的不同而出現完全不同的觀點。
(1) Clear distinction between Pan Blue and Pan Green ways of thinking (Polarization)
The opinions commonly heard and expressed can be grouped into two camps. The Pro-unification camp in Taiwan consists of Pro-PRC and Anti-green factions,while the Pro-Independence camp consists of anti-blue, anti-PRC and Advocate for Independence. In Taiwan, almost in all aspects, let it be politics, economic-trade, education, culture or science, view points expressed by these two camp can be widely apart from each other.
（二）批判言辭犀利
由於臺灣選舉活動頻繁，報紙評論文章也被選舉活動牽動，其結果是，評論已選舉輸贏為終極目標，批判對手必然使用犀利言辭，極盡嘲諷之能。
(2) Rhetoric tends to be harsh
Due to the fact that Taiwan constantly is either preparing or holding elections, articles published on newspaper are inevitably election-oriented. Commentators with ideological beliefs tend to use harsh and critical rhetoric to ridicule the opponents.
（三）泛政治化傾向
由於兩岸議題的敏感，各種問題都能觸發政治敏感神經，所有評論文章都脫離不了政治考慮。
(3) Over-Politicizing in topics
Given the sensitivity in the cross-strait issues, any issue is regarded as a cross-strait issue, and all commentary articles are to be read politically
（四）跳脫藍綠的自省式批判並不少見
各大報都有讀者論壇，容許個別讀者發表文章評論時政，讀者多能提出自省式意見，力求言論空間的自由與客觀。
(4) Neutral Introspective thinking on the rise sheds new light
All major newspapers create an opinion forum page to publish articles submitted by individual readers, who tend to more introspective and express more freely, breaking away from the traditional boundary.
（五）牽涉背景龐雜
臺灣雖小，但是政治生態變化迅速，評論文章裏所提及的人事物牽涉面廣，讀者必須熟悉背景，否則難以理解其中微妙。
(5) Lots of background information and allusions are shared and understood only by native readers
Readers may need to have acquired knowledge about the background in order to understand the complete who and what the article is referring to. Taiwan may be a small piece of land on earth, but its political scenery swiftly varies.
Commentary Articles in Taiwan (I)
臺灣報紙評論文章特色
characteristics in the Taiwan's commentary pieces
（一） 以藍綠立場論事(兩極化)
臺灣報紙立場鮮明，大致可以分爲親中、反綠、反藍、反中和獨派，親中和反綠的被認爲是“統派媒體”屬於泛藍陣營，言論中有明顯的反對臺灣獨立的論述。反藍、反中以及獨派的媒體被認爲是“獨派媒體”，屬於泛綠陣營。政治議題、國家前途議題、經貿議題、教育議題，甚至文化科技議題等都會因爲媒體陣營的不同而出現完全不同的觀點。
(1) Clear distinction between Pan Blue and Pan Green ways of thinking (Polarization)
The opinions commonly heard and expressed can be grouped into two camps. The Pro-unification camp in Taiwan consists of Pro-PRC and Anti-green factions,while the Pro-Independence camp consists of anti-blue, anti-PRC and Advocate for Independence. In Taiwan, almost in all aspects, let it be politics, economic-trade, education, culture or science, view points expressed by these two camp can be widely apart from each other.
（二）批判言辭犀利
由於臺灣選舉活動頻繁，報紙評論文章也被選舉活動牽動，其結果是，評論已選舉輸贏為終極目標，批判對手必然使用犀利言辭，極盡嘲諷之能。
(2) Rhetoric tends to be harsh
Due to the fact that Taiwan constantly is either preparing or holding elections, articles published on newspaper are inevitably election-oriented. Commentators with ideological beliefs tend to use harsh and critical rhetoric to ridicule the opponents.
（三）泛政治化傾向
由於兩岸議題的敏感，各種問題都能觸發政治敏感神經，所有評論文章都脫離不了政治考慮。
(3) Over-Politicizing in topics
Given the sensitivity in the cross-strait issues, any issue is regarded as a cross-strait issue, and all commentary articles are to be read politically
（四）跳脫藍綠的自省式批判並不少見
各大報都有讀者論壇，容許個別讀者發表文章評論時政，讀者多能提出自省式意見，力求言論空間的自由與客觀。
(4) Neutral Introspective thinking on the rise sheds new light
All major newspapers create an opinion forum page to publish articles submitted by individual readers, who tend to more introspective and express more freely, breaking away from the traditional boundary.
（五）牽涉背景龐雜
臺灣雖小，但是政治生態變化迅速，評論文章裏所提及的人事物牽涉面廣，讀者必須熟悉背景，否則難以理解其中微妙。
(5) Lots of background information and allusions are shared and understood only by native readers
Readers may need to have acquired knowledge about the background in order to understand the complete who and what the article is referring to. Taiwan may be a small piece of land on earth, but its political scenery swiftly varies.
中文评论文章的要件/中文評論文章的要件 Major parts in commentary articles in Chinese
中文评论文章的要件
中文評論文章的要件
Major parts in commentary articles in Chinese
When reading a commentary article, it is useful to understand what are normally included by the author
中文評論文章的要件
Major parts in commentary articles in Chinese
When reading a commentary article, it is useful to understand what are normally included by the author
- 标题/標題
- Title
- 事件
- Event/Incident
- 意见/意見
- Opinions
- (a) the author may introduce views by others before he/she reveals his/her own views.
- (b) the author may switch to argue against a view by using the following devices:
- 但是/可是/只是/然而....... (preceded by 虽然 although、尽管 even though、的确 indeed、固然 clearly、...也无可厚非 nothing wrong in...）
- （而）問題是......
- （而）值得注意的是......
- (c) the author may heighten his argument in stronger tone, using the following devices:
- 没想到...竟然... (sth. happens to be ...)
- 照理说...应该..., 可是...竟然... (sth happens against what is normally expected)
- 除非....，否則......一定.... (there is little chance, unless...)
- 即使/就算...， 也不能...... (even if ..., however ....; denying the legitimacy of ...)
- 究竟为什么...？这到底是怎么回事？(really wonder why or what happens, and this will bring the author to provide an answer)
- 道理
- providing rationale
- (a) the author may explain what he/she think to be the way to solve an issue
- (b) the author may point out where the real problem lies in
- (c) the author may cite experts' opinions to support his argument
- 例子
- Examples
- Examples may be provided in a geographic format, citing similar situations across the world's or country's map
- Examples may be provided along the timeline of history, citing stories in the past
- 结论/結論
- Conclusion
- typical expressions found in a concluding part are:
- 由此可见，......；不论.....， 可以确定的是....；......
- (a) solution：只有...，才....； 必须......， 才......
- (b) anticipation：期望......；让我们......
中国媒体评论员都评论些什么？what may trigger commentators' opinions? and what will they normally say?
中国媒体评论员都评论些什么？
What a commentator of Chinese media (either Central or local) tend to comment on?
（1）国家政策 State policies
Formalism; bureaucraticism; epicurianism; wasteful and lavishing practices
（2）社会现象 Social phenomena
Commentators' view:
The government acknowledges the existence of issues and the need to address them
Although there has been success in addressing the issues, there is a lot to be done.
Government is duty-bound and no excuse is allowed. (政府责无旁贷，毫无借口）
Some issues require concerted efforts to solve: relevant authorities, individuals, social groups.
Although there has been measures promulgated, the enforcement is yet too poor. (政策已经出台，但落实情况太差）
Leading cadres should take the lead (领导干部起带头作用） for the general public to follow.
（3）外交话题 Foreign Relationship
Commentators' view:
China is determined on its course to go forward and maintain peaceful relations with neighbors. Regarding North Korea, China wants to make it clear that China won't support the willful action of nuclear detonation by North Korea. (朝鲜一意孤行持续进行核爆）China's Hawks may announce that China is not afraid of being engaged in wars if needed, while the Doves stress China will resort to peaceful means, such as economic development.
（4）军事话题 Military topics
Commentators' view:
China will continue to modernize its defense ability, but will never pose any threat to its neighbors
China appeals that US should not support any type of separatism in Taiwan by providing US weapons, and warns against any move toward that direction.
（5）科技话题 Scientific topics
Commentators' view:
China will adopt effective measures to cope with the serious problems, including preventative actions and contingency actions.
What a commentator of Chinese media (either Central or local) tend to comment on?
（1）国家政策 State policies
- 反腐倡廉 fan3fu3 chang4lian2: Combating corruption and promoting integrity
- 矫正四风 jiao3zheng4 "si4 feng1": Ractifying the "four incorrect practices"
Formalism; bureaucraticism; epicurianism; wasteful and lavishing practices
- 打假 da3jia3 cracking down on counterfeiting
- 反分裂 fan3 fen1lie4 opposing separatism
- 依法治国 yi1fa3 zhi4guo2 ruling by laws
- 京津冀一体化项目 Jing1 Jin1 Ji4 yi1ti3hua4: integration of Beijing, Tianjin and neighboring Hebei cities
- 南水北调项目 nan2shui3 bei3diao4: conducing the water from the south to the north
- 一带一路项目 yi1lu4 yi1dai: one road and one belt (China's maritime silk roads to Europe)
- 城市交通治堵项目 jiao1tong1 zhi4du3: solving the congestion in cities
- 城市防汛治水项目 fang2xun4 zhi4shui3: flood prevention in the cities
- 党员违纪违法问题 dang3yuan2 wei2ji4: disciplinary violation of CCP members
- 官员带病提拔现象 guan1yuan2 dai4bng4 ti2ba2: officials promoted in spite of records of misconduct
- 裸官现象 luo3guan1: naked officials = officials having kids and wife reside in abroad
（2）社会现象 Social phenomena
- 奢靡浪费 she1mi2 lang4fei4: squandering and wasteful life style
- 攀比斗富 pan1bi3 dou4fu4: compete unrealistically and vying over wealth
- 缺乏公德 que1fa2 gong1de2: lack consideration for others
- 三公消费现象 san1gong1 xiao1fei4: three misconducts in using the public funds
- 三公： 公费出国、公车私用、公费招待(traveling, entertaining on public expenses and using public sedan cars for personal purpose)
- 农民工讨薪 nong2min2gong1 tao3xin1: migrant workers ask to be paid fairly and fully
- 乡镇农民上访潮 xiang1zhen4 nong2min2 shang4fang3 chao2: waves of rural peasants collectively visit grade-1 cities to petition for unfair treatment
- 企业欠薪现象 qi3ye4 qian4xin1 xian4xiang4: Chinese corporations delay or fail to pay workers full wages
- 学校填鸭式教育 xue2xiao4 tian2ya1shi4 jiao4yu4: cramming education by many schools
- 一孩政策后遗症 yi1hai2zheng4ce4 hou4yi2zheng4: the impact by the one-child policy on various social aspects
- 有关开放二孩政策的讨论 you3guan1 kai1fang4 er4hai2 zheng4ce4 de tao3lun4: discussion on the lifting the ban on two-children family
- 城管人员和民众冲突 cheng2guan3 ren2yuan2 he2 min2zhong4 chong1tu: conflicts between citizens and "urban management officers"
- 不法网络公关现象 bu4fa3 wang2luo4 gong1guan1: illegal PR efforts in the cyber space (false internet polling)
- 网络造谣罪行 wang3luo4 zao4yao2 zui4xing2: making and spreading rumors via internet
- 网络诈骗罪行 wang3luo4 zha4pian4 zui4xing2: conning and fraudulence via internet
- 封建迷信现象 feng1jian4 mi2xin4 xian4xiang4: feudalistic superstitions (obsessive belief in fengshui, fortune telling, evil sects, etc.)
- 中国烟民持续增加的现象 Zhong1guo2 yan1min2 zhong4duo1: increasing numbers of smokers
Commentators' view:
The government acknowledges the existence of issues and the need to address them
Although there has been success in addressing the issues, there is a lot to be done.
Government is duty-bound and no excuse is allowed. (政府责无旁贷，毫无借口）
Some issues require concerted efforts to solve: relevant authorities, individuals, social groups.
Although there has been measures promulgated, the enforcement is yet too poor. (政策已经出台，但落实情况太差）
Leading cadres should take the lead (领导干部起带头作用） for the general public to follow.
（3）外交话题 Foreign Relationship
- 中国海域主权争议 Disputes over the territorial waters of the China Seas
- 中印边界争议 Sino-Indo border disputes
- 北韩（朝鲜）发展核武问题 North Korea's willfulness in developping nuclear weapons
- 中国遭围堵问题 China's worry about being besieged by US-led containing deployment
- 中国和平崛起承诺 China's commitment to "Rise in Peace"
Commentators' view:
China is determined on its course to go forward and maintain peaceful relations with neighbors. Regarding North Korea, China wants to make it clear that China won't support the willful action of nuclear detonation by North Korea. (朝鲜一意孤行持续进行核爆）China's Hawks may announce that China is not afraid of being engaged in wars if needed, while the Doves stress China will resort to peaceful means, such as economic development.
（4）军事话题 Military topics
- 中国军队现代化 modernization of China's military forces
- 美国对台湾军售 US arms sales to Taiwan
Commentators' view:
China will continue to modernize its defense ability, but will never pose any threat to its neighbors
China appeals that US should not support any type of separatism in Taiwan by providing US weapons, and warns against any move toward that direction.
（5）科技话题 Scientific topics
- 气候极端变化议题 qi4hou4 ji2duan1 bian4hua4 yi4ti2: Extreme Climatic Changes
- 暴雨(bao4yu3; torrential rain)、雪灾(xue3zai1 snow storm)、干旱(gan1han4 draught)、泥石流(ni2shi2liu2 mudslide)、滑坡(hua2po1 landslide)
- 海水淡化技术 hai3shui3 dan4hua4 ji4shu4 ; technology in desalination of sea water
Commentators' view:
China will adopt effective measures to cope with the serious problems, including preventative actions and contingency actions.
2016年5月29日 星期日
评论文章的标题/評論文章的標題 (2) Expressions of Preference
评论文章的标题 II
評論文章的標題 II
What can one find in the title II
评论文章的作者也经常透过（1）对比；（2）选择 来表达自己的主张
評論文章的作者也經常透過（1）對比；（2）選擇 來表達自己的主張
In writing a commentary, the author often uses 1) contrast and 2) making choice to highlight his advocacy
不如 (bu4ru2, it would be better to ....)
（与其）Ａ......，不如 Ｂ.....
作者认为Ｂ是比较好的办法
作者認為Ｂ是比較好的辦法
the author regards option B is a better one
例： “喊破嗓不如甩开膀” 让改革掷地有声
“喊破嗓不如甩開膀” 讓改革擲地有聲
the author is comparing using voices 喊破嗓 with using actions 甩開膀 in carrying out reforms
喊破嗓 : shout out loud to the point of hurting the voice/throat
甩开膀 : move one's arms free in marching 掷地有声: get responding sound when banging sth. on the ground
与其移民，不如移居
與其移民，不如移居
the author is comparing emigrating from Hong Kong with just moving away from Hong Kong without changing citizenship (currently more and more HKG people are moving to Taiwan to live and work)
移民：to emigrate from or immigrate to (involving citizenship/ nationality)
移居 : to move or change residence
打房不如提高薪资
打房不如提高薪資
the author is comparing hitting on the housing price with raising the wage level
打房：discouraging price hikes in housing market
提高薪资：raise the level of wages
要面子，不如要房子 外漂"蚁族"涌动返渝潮
要面子，不如要房子 外漂"蟻族"湧動返渝潮
the author is comparing seeking (unaffordable) faces with seeking (affordable) houses, when describing the current trend for migrant workers flowing back to Chongqing, Sichuan province from coastal cities where they wait for "opportunities"
要面子：seeking faces, referring to staying in coastal cities to sound or look fancy
要房子：seeking houses, referring to obtaining a house to live
外漂蚁族：those who are squatting in the big cities in spite of poor living standard
宁/寧
（ning2; would rather)
宁(可) Ａ．．．也要 Ｂ．．． or 宁(可/愿) Ａ．．．也愿 Ｂ．．．
寧(可) Ａ．．．也要 Ｂ．．． or 寧(可/願) Ａ．．．也願 Ｂ．．．
作者认为虽然Ａ不好，也可能很危险，但是为了Ｂ，可以接受Ａ
作者認為雖然Ａ不好，也可能很危險，但是為了Ｂ，可以接受Ａ
the author thinks that he would accept A for the sake of B, even A is something horrible
variation:
宁 Ａ．．．不 Ｂ．．．
寧 Ａ．．．不 Ｂ．．．
作者认为一定不接受 Ｂ，（尽管 不喜欢Ａ）
作者認為一定不接受 Ｂ，（儘管 不喜歡Ａ）
the author shows what he prefers in denying A or B, (he would accept A in order to avoid B)
both expressions are highlight the speaker's (writer's) strong will toward the goal shown in the latter part, even at the cost of the option stated in the former
例：为什么楼盘宁可受罚也要赶工？
為什麼樓盤寧可受罰也要趕工？
the author asks why the builders prefer rushing the construction project even at the cost of penalties
宁走十步远不走一步险
寧走十步遠不走一步險
the author advocates that taking the safe path is the best policy, even it would takes longer to get there
作者认为目标是Ｂ
作者認為目標是Ｂ
the goal "B" is highlighted
other idioms
宁死不屈
寧死不屈
would resist (not bending or bowing) at the cost of death
宁缺勿滥
寧缺勿濫
would refuse to accept mediocre quality (not compromising) even nothing is available
才
（只有）Ａ才能．．． or（只有）Ａ才是．．．
作者认为Ａ是唯一的办法，或唯一正确的选择
作者認為Ａ是唯一的辦法，或唯一正確的選擇
the author believe A is the only way, or the only right thing to choose
評論文章的標題 II
What can one find in the title II
评论文章的作者也经常透过（1）对比；（2）选择 来表达自己的主张
評論文章的作者也經常透過（1）對比；（2）選擇 來表達自己的主張
In writing a commentary, the author often uses 1) contrast and 2) making choice to highlight his advocacy
不如 (bu4ru2, it would be better to ....)
（与其）Ａ......，不如 Ｂ.....
作者认为Ｂ是比较好的办法
作者認為Ｂ是比較好的辦法
the author regards option B is a better one
例： “喊破嗓不如甩开膀” 让改革掷地有声
“喊破嗓不如甩開膀” 讓改革擲地有聲
the author is comparing using voices 喊破嗓 with using actions 甩開膀 in carrying out reforms
喊破嗓 : shout out loud to the point of hurting the voice/throat
甩开膀 : move one's arms free in marching 掷地有声: get responding sound when banging sth. on the ground
与其移民，不如移居
與其移民，不如移居
the author is comparing emigrating from Hong Kong with just moving away from Hong Kong without changing citizenship (currently more and more HKG people are moving to Taiwan to live and work)
移民：to emigrate from or immigrate to (involving citizenship/ nationality)
移居 : to move or change residence
打房不如提高薪资
打房不如提高薪資
the author is comparing hitting on the housing price with raising the wage level
打房：discouraging price hikes in housing market
提高薪资：raise the level of wages
要面子，不如要房子 外漂"蚁族"涌动返渝潮
要面子，不如要房子 外漂"蟻族"湧動返渝潮
the author is comparing seeking (unaffordable) faces with seeking (affordable) houses, when describing the current trend for migrant workers flowing back to Chongqing, Sichuan province from coastal cities where they wait for "opportunities"
要面子：seeking faces, referring to staying in coastal cities to sound or look fancy
要房子：seeking houses, referring to obtaining a house to live
外漂蚁族：those who are squatting in the big cities in spite of poor living standard
宁/寧
（ning2; would rather)
宁(可) Ａ．．．也要 Ｂ．．． or 宁(可/愿) Ａ．．．也愿 Ｂ．．．
寧(可) Ａ．．．也要 Ｂ．．． or 寧(可/願) Ａ．．．也願 Ｂ．．．
作者认为虽然Ａ不好，也可能很危险，但是为了Ｂ，可以接受Ａ
作者認為雖然Ａ不好，也可能很危險，但是為了Ｂ，可以接受Ａ
the author thinks that he would accept A for the sake of B, even A is something horrible
variation:
宁 Ａ．．．不 Ｂ．．．
寧 Ａ．．．不 Ｂ．．．
作者认为一定不接受 Ｂ，（尽管 不喜欢Ａ）
作者認為一定不接受 Ｂ，（儘管 不喜歡Ａ）
the author shows what he prefers in denying A or B, (he would accept A in order to avoid B)
both expressions are highlight the speaker's (writer's) strong will toward the goal shown in the latter part, even at the cost of the option stated in the former
例：为什么楼盘宁可受罚也要赶工？
為什麼樓盤寧可受罰也要趕工？
the author asks why the builders prefer rushing the construction project even at the cost of penalties
宁走十步远不走一步险
寧走十步遠不走一步險
the author advocates that taking the safe path is the best policy, even it would takes longer to get there
作者认为目标是Ｂ
作者認為目標是Ｂ
the goal "B" is highlighted
other idioms
宁死不屈
寧死不屈
would resist (not bending or bowing) at the cost of death
宁缺勿滥
寧缺勿濫
would refuse to accept mediocre quality (not compromising) even nothing is available
才
（只有）Ａ才能．．． or（只有）Ａ才是．．．
作者认为Ａ是唯一的办法，或唯一正确的选择
作者認為Ａ是唯一的辦法，或唯一正確的選擇
the author believe A is the only way, or the only right thing to choose
2016年5月27日 星期五
评论文章的标题/評論文章的標題（1）Title of an opinion piece (1) modal verbs and adverbials showing Do or Don't
评论文章的标题
評論文章的標題
What can one find in the title
评论文章多半表达作者的想法和主张
評論文章多半表達作者的想法和主張
Normally, one may find author's views and advocacy in an opinion piece (commentary)
以下的字词出现在动词之前表达作者认为“应该”或“不应该”做的事
以下的字詞出現在動詞之前表達作者認為“應該”或“不應該”做的事
the words introduced below are often found preceding an action verb to denote whether the author advocates for or disapproves
評論文章的標題
What can one find in the title
评论文章多半表达作者的想法和主张
評論文章多半表達作者的想法和主張
Normally, one may find author's views and advocacy in an opinion piece (commentary)
以下的字词出现在动词之前表达作者认为“应该”或“不应该”做的事
以下的字詞出現在動詞之前表達作者認為“應該”或“不應該”做的事
the words introduced below are often found preceding an action verb to denote whether the author advocates for or disapproves
应
|
應
|
yīng
|
◊ should
|
该
|
該
|
gāi
|
◊ should, ought to
|
宜
|
宜
|
yí
|
◊ should, ought to (mostly, but not
always, used in the negative) (宜=suitable)
|
要
|
要
|
yào
|
◊ must, need to, should
|
让…V
|
讓…V
|
ràng
|
◊ let, allow ◊ have or make (sb do
sth), cause
|
且让
|
且让
|
qiě
ràng
|
◊ why not allow (suggestive)
|
务必
|
務必
|
wùbì
|
◊ be sure to
|
不可不
|
不可不
|
bùkěbù
|
◊ must, should
|
不应
|
不應
|
bù yīng
|
◊ should not
|
不该
|
不該
|
bù gāi
|
◊ ought not
|
不宜
|
不宜
|
bùyí
|
◊ inadvisable; should not
|
得
|
得
|
děi
|
◊ must, have to ◊ need, take, require
|
不必
|
不必
|
bùbì
|
◊ need not
|
别让…V
|
别让…V
|
bié
ràng
|
◊ don’t allow or don’t tolerate
|
莫让…V
|
莫让…V
|
mò
ràng
|
◊ don’t allow or don’t tolerate
|
勿
|
勿
|
wù
|
◊ do not, must not,
|
切莫
|
切莫
|
qièmò
|
◊ do not by any means
|
岂能
|
豈能
|
qǐnéng
|
◊ how can...(literary-style phrase
used to form a rhetorical question implying that the action mentioned is not
possible/appropriate; the colloquial modern equivalent is zěnme néng 怎麼能 /怎么能)
|
岂可
|
豈可
|
qǐkě
|
◊ how could (you)
|
难道？
|
難道？
|
nándào
|
◊ do you mean to say...?; really...?
(in a rhetorical question, indicating doubt or surprise)
|
非…不可吗？
|
非…不可嗎？
|
fēi...bùkě ma
|
Does one
really have to …?
|
避免
|
避免
|
bìmiǎn
|
◊ avoid, avert
|
提防
|
提防
|
dīfang
|
◊ guard against, take precautions
against
|
YES,
OK, advisable
|
NO, forbidding,
unadvisable
|
||
应
|
應
|
不应
|
不應
|
该
|
該
|
不该
|
不該
|
宜
|
宜
|
不宜
|
不宜
|
要
|
要
|
勿、莫
|
勿、莫
|
得
|
得
|
||
| 务必 |
務必 |
不必
|
不必
|
| 让、且让 |
讓、且讓 |
别让、莫让
|
別讓、莫讓
|
| 切莫 |
切莫 |
||
岂可？
|
豈可？
|
||
岂能？
|
豈能？
|
||
难道要？
|
難道要？
|
||
非…不可吗？
|
非…不可嗎？
|
||
| 不可不 |
不可不
|
||
避免
|
避免
|
||
提防
|
提防
|
||
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