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2016年6月5日 星期日

閱讀台灣媒體的評論文章(二)各類議題 議題A 選舉與執政 Commentary Articles in Taiwan (II) Various Topics and Views predictable for native readers Topic A Election and Ruling


閱讀台灣媒體的評論文章(二)各類議題 A
Various Topics and Views predictable for native readers

從藍綠陣營來預測立場
The Color tells it all


China Times (中國時報)
United Daily(聯合報)
Apple Daily (蘋果日報)
Next Media (壹傳媒)
Liberty Times (自由時報)


由於台灣媒體立場對立,藍綠之間涇渭分明,因此針對任何議題,少有交集,若是選舉後政黨輪替,執政黨和在野黨一上一下,原來的立場也會發生180度的轉變,常常令人感到錯亂!
As most media in Taiwan choose sides on the political and ideological spectrum (Deep Blue-Light Blue-Light Green-Deep Green, with a bit of red referring to Pro-PRC), the views and advocacies vary so much from each other that there isn't so little in common no matter what the topic or issues are.  What may cause confusion for readers is that sometimes a view may flip completely just because the opposition party has switched to be the  ruling party, i.e. the supporters of a certain policy may suddenly turn into antagonists.

唯一始終不會改變的立場是統一和獨立的選擇,始終是藍營促“統”,而綠營促“獨”
The only thing that does not change after of the shift of power is the fact that the Pan Blue are urging for the "Reunification", while the Pan Green for the "Independence"

以下的議題,我會用兩種顏色(淺藍底藍字;淺綠底綠字)來顯示兩個陣營各執一詞的現狀

In the following passages, the view points, almost mutually exclusive, due to the divergence in ideology for pros and cons of unification/independence, will be marked in colors accordingly (blue font in light blue highlight and green font in light green highlight)
議題A:選舉與執政
Topic A: Election and Ruling
政黨輪替?政黨再次輪替?是把台灣帶向成功?還是帶向衰退、滅亡?
In Rotation of Ruling Power or Re-rotation, is Taiwan being led to success or failure?


兩蔣時代(The Era of the Two Chiangs in Ruling)

臺灣(中華民國)開始軍事、社會和經濟建設保存復興傳統中華文化,全國軍民上下一心,努力建設國家,對抗共產中國的侵略。
Taiwan (ROC) started to construct everything including military, social and economic developments, as well as make efforts to preserve and restore the traditions of Chinese culture.  People in Taiwan work jointly to build this country and fight jointly against the aggression of Communist China.
蔣經國(小蔣)啓動“十大建設”,把臺灣導向現代化,他任内(去世之前)解除戒嚴令,奠定了臺灣民主化的基礎。
President Jiang Jingguo (Chiang, the Junior) launched the "Ten Major Projects", which has brought Taiwan modernization.  He also lifted the martial laws and many other similar bans, laying solid foundation of further democratization.


臺灣經歷外來政權高壓統治,社會精英遭迫害,本土文化遭壓迫,政府長期實施戒嚴,本土族群遭不公平對待,人民生活在恐怖和憤怒中。
Taiwanese suffered from oppressive governing of the "foreign" (non-local) regimes, and local elite class suffered from persecution, local culture and local community also suffered from discrimination.  Extended martial laws has brought fear and rage onto the people.
儘管小蔣比他的父親重視臺灣的建設,但他畢竟還是一個獨裁者,對於黨外人士仍然採取各種迫害手段,他之所以接觸戒嚴,完全是因為受到各方的壓力才做出這樣的決定。



李登輝時代 (The Era of President Lee)
作爲蔣經國總統的接班人,李登輝總統積極領導臺灣走向民主,但他的本土主義日本情結造成國民黨在臺灣的首次分裂。他暗中積極培植民進黨,多次發表台獨傾向明顯的言論激化兩岸關係,企圖把美國捲進兩岸之間的矛盾。在他擔任總統十二年期間,他主張臺灣企業對大陸“戒急用忍”,使得臺灣錯失了多次進入中國取得貿易優勢的機會,埋下臺灣競爭力衰退的禍根。2000年民進黨候選人陳水扁當選後,大批憤怒的國民黨支持者示威抗議,要求李登輝辭去國民黨主席職位,李登輝被迫辭職,之後離開國民黨,成爲獨派政黨--“臺灣團結聯盟”(台聯黨)的領袖。對深藍人士而言,李登輝是國民黨的叛徒,是導致國民黨衰敗的罪人
Being the successor of Jiang Jingguo, President Li Deng-hui took aggressive steps to bring democracy to Taiwan, but his localism and inclination toward Japan's right wing brought about the first split of KMT party in Taiwan.  He secretly or indirectly provided resources to DPP (Democratic Progressive Party), and more than once did he issue statements openly promoting Taiwanese Independence, which he successfully aggravated the tension between Taiwan and PRC and involved US into cross-strait conflicts.  During the 12 years of his presidency, Li insisted on the "Go Slowly" Policy to bar Taiwan businesses from investing in Chinese market before it is too late, which now proves to be the cause leading to weakening of Taiwan competitiveness,  When DPP's Chen Shuibian won presidency in year 2000, thousands of KMT supporters protested against Li and demanded that he stepped down from the Chair of KMT, which he was forced to resign and become the leader of Taiwan Solidarity Alliance, a pro-independence party.  For the deep-blue KMT, Li is a traitor, the culprit that caused KMT to fall apart.

在李登輝推動下,中華民國憲法經歷了數次修改,包括:國民大會虛級化,為總統全民直選奠定憲法基礎,總統職權義務修改,擴大總統職權,削弱國會監督力量,憲法學者認爲這是李登輝逐步走向台獨的鋪墊動作,稱之爲“憲法台獨”。

作爲蔣經國總統的接班人,李登輝總統積極領導臺灣走向民主,延續蔣經國的做法,致力於國民黨内部,政府官員的“本土化”,但這樣的舉動激怒了“外省族群”,引發了他們的“危機感”,這使得李登輝的一言一行都被曲解為“賣國”、“漢奸走狗”的行爲。李登輝忍辱負重,在國民黨内推行改革,反而被國民黨開除黨籍,但卻贏得臺灣人民的尊敬,“阿輝伯” 的名號在綠營中是沒有人不知道的。
Being the successor of Jiang Jingguo, President Li Deng-hui took aggressive steps to bring democracy to Taiwan, following the efforts of Jiang Jingguo, Li tried hard to localize the workforce within KMT and within the Government.  This has triggered anger and anxiety from the "mainlander" group,who distorted everything Li said into an act of treason.  President Li said nothing but eat humble pie in order to launch reforms within KMT, but ended up to be unexpectedly expelled by KMT. However he earned respect from all Taiwanese.  "Uncle Hui" is a plausible name in the Pan-Green Circle.



陳水扁時代(The Era of President Chen)

陳水扁總統上臺時提出“不一沒有”,承諾在任内不會進行任何推動台獨的政策,也邀請了社會公正客觀清廉人士加入他的“國政顧問團”,試圖扭轉李登輝主政十二年以來形成的國民黨和政府内部黑金腐敗的情況。在教育方面,陳水扁也承諾進行教育改革,打破當時教育的限制,給學生更多的發展機會。結果是,陳水扁多次在兩岸問題上玩文字遊戲,兩岸之間的貿易往來到處都是扁政府設置的障礙,加深了兩岸緊張;而學校教育方面,扁政府最重視的就是一系列的“去中國化”做法,企圖從語文、歷史和社會層面把“中國元素”徹底抹滅,而原來承諾的改革,由於缺乏全盤思考,最後是家長覺得越改越亂,學生覺得越改越苦,老師覺得越改越低劣;在官員操守方面,陳水扁不但法約束親信人士的貪腐行爲,反而為其掩護脫罪,最後終于激發了國内大規模的反扁、反貪腐的示威活動,延續數月,原來的“臺灣之子”,在重重的貪腐包庇事實下,成了“臺灣之恥”。陳水扁主政時期,似乎是任何人只要說“愛臺灣”,他犯的錯都可以被原諒;諷刺的是,一個人要是不大聲說他“愛臺灣”,他做得再好也可能會“出賣臺灣”,這是什麽邏輯?
President Chen announced “Four No's and One Without" as his guiding principal for cross-strait relationship and promised not to promote any motion toward the independence of Taiwan during his presidency, meantime he also recruited a large team of social elite with good reputation of integrity and righteousness to serve as his consultants for state affairs hoping it will turn around the erosion brought about by the money politics flourishing during the 12 years'  presidency of Li Deng-hui.  On education, Pres. Chen promised to carry out reforms to set free the educational system and allow more room for development.  In practice however, Chen was actually playing rhetoric game in cross-strait relationship, blocking the trade between Taiwan and China, threatening the bi-lateral relationship.  What Chen did about Education reforms was to de-sinify (energetically erasing the traces of Chinese culture and history from Taiwan's text books and arts) ,  while his commitment to provide more opportunities to learn end up in disaster: students finding the studying even more torturing, their parents finding the system even more perplexing, and teachers finding the schooling even lower in quality.  As for the promised integrity of his administration, President Chen failed to refrain his relatives and followers from corrupted activities, and tried to cover it up for them with his presidential power, which eventually triggered massive and extended protests from the citizens, and the positive acclamation of "Son of Taiwan" for him has become a sarcasm as "Shame of Taiwan".  The expression of "I love Taiwan" under Chen's ruling has ironically become a protective charm that acquits any disciplinary offense or any misconduct of politicians, and those who did not cry out loud that they love Taiwan will be deemed traitors by the Green Camp.

“兩顆子彈”的謎
陳水扁2004年連任成功的過程充滿了爭議性,一直到現在還被人民質疑:在投票日前夕,陳水扁和副總統候選人呂秀蓮在台南沿街拜票時,遭到不明人物以土製手槍攻擊,兩人均遭輕傷激起臺灣人民的民族情緒,翻轉了原來低迷的選情。藍營認爲這是低劣而狡猾的選舉花招,稱之爲“奧步”(惡劣做法)。儘管抗議群衆最終被迫接受陳水扁連任的事實,但這段不名譽的當選故事,成爲民進黨心中永遠的痛。這個事件之後,臺灣民衆出現了信任的分裂,不管司法機関如何判決、警察單位如何認定,相信的人和不相信的人都不再接受另一种説辭,出現了“信者恆信;不信者恆不信”的現象。
The mystery of "Two Bullets"
The successful re-election of Chen Shuibian in 2004 was actually quite controversial and will never clear the doubt about its ligitimacy.  The day just before the voting day, Chen and Annette Lyu, his campaigning partner were shot at by so-called assassin with a backyard pistol.  Both of them were minimally wounded, but this triggered emotional voting repercussion that turned around the gloomy electoral outlook for DPP.  The Blue Camp categorized this action a treacherous campaigning trick, calling it "Ao Bu" (tacky step).   The protesting blue voters had little choice but accepting the fact that Chen has won the election in an infamous way, believing this shameful story will remain an eteral pain in the hearts of DPP supporters.   The aftermath is that Taiwanese began to be divided in believing an account described by public offices (Court's verdict, Police report): those who believe will permanently believe, while those who disbelieve will remain disbelieving.

陳水扁以一個臺灣南部貧窮人家孩子的背景,透過努力從律師、議員,最後爭取到總統大位,是臺灣人民努力向上的典型,臺灣人民叫他“阿扁”,把他當作是“臺灣之子”。他上臺後,國民黨佔多數的國會(立法院)一直不斷地給他穿小鞋,深藍媒體只要一有機會就“修理”他,對他所有的言行,都用放大鏡來檢視,連他夫人、兒女的生活也備受騷擾。
陳水扁要社會和教育上建立臺灣主體意識臺灣權益優先愛臺灣有理的觀念,卻遭到藍營的惡意攻擊,和大陸聯手批評。這是對台灣人的粗暴行爲對臺灣人人權的踐踏

陳水扁(“阿扁總統”)當選後,的確有不少人想要利用機會得到利益,但是統牌媒體和藍營人士卻想盡辦法陷害總統,目的就是打擊總統領導國家的正當性,絲毫不顧國家的安定和發展,其心惡毒,讓人不敢相信。
President Chen won the election and become the first "Poor Taiwanese" President, who grew up in impoverished background and worked hard to strive from the status of lawyer, congressman to president.  His story has become a legend for all Taiwanese who are striving upward.  His nickname is either "A Bian/@bian" or "Son of Taiwan".  After Chen took office, the KMT-led Legislative Yuan created obstacles to block his policies, and the unfriendly media run by Deep Blue journalists spare no efforts to criticize and examine him and his family members almost anatomically.  A Bian wanted to reestablish Taiwanese Pride, Priority for Taiwan and Outspoken Love for Taiwan, but was ill interpreted by Blue Media, who collaborated with China's official media.  We regard this as political violence against Taiwanese and violation of Taiwanese' human rights.
It is true that many opportunists sought ways to obtain personal gains by getting closer to Chen and his family after his inauguration, but the Pro-Unification Media in Taiwan and other Pan Blue politicians tried all possible ways to frame President Chen, attempting to damage his legitimacy to rule this country.  This intention is unbelievably evil as they would do without any concerns over the stability and development of Taiwan.


阿扁躲過暗殺
在陳水扁競選連任期間,投票日前夕遭到不明人士射擊,陳總統運氣好沒有被傷到要害,躲過一劫,但卻被對手污衊為自導自演,試想誰會為了當總統而拿自己生命安全當賭注?這證明藍營爲了毀滅一個人的名譽可以說出任何不負責任的話。
Surviving an Attempted Assassination
During a campaigning tour, A Bian was attacked by someone with a pistol and survived this horrifying assassination by sheer luck.  It is so cruel of the opponents to describe this tragedy as a self-directed episode.  Who would risk his own life just to win an election?  What they said about this attempted assassination only prove that those in Blue Camp would go this far to say something so irresponsible only to ruin a person's reputation.



馬英九時代(The Era of President Ma)

馬英九在一片反貪腐救經濟的呼聲中贏得了總統的大選,就職之初的支持率和看好程度超過百分之六十四。馬總統的政策主軸是“重建廉潔政府”、“推動兩岸和諧”、“恢復國際信任”,“經濟六三三目標”(經濟成長率6%、國民所得達3萬美元、失業率低於3%),“愛台十二大建設”,而實際的做法中,大部分都涉及如何跟中國保持友好關係,連經濟議題也依賴中國經濟崛起的勢頭來提振臺灣日漸衰退的生產力。
馬英九當選總統時,國會的多數也是自己的國民黨,照理說,總統的意志會得到國會裏同黨同志的支持,很容易就能執行!但實際的情況卻不然,原因有二:(一)馬英九相信“精英治國”路綫,政府和親信官員不是博士教授,就是學者專家,常常是理論挂帥,實務經驗不足特別容易跟民意脫節,代表基層民意的立法委員覺得馬英九不能解決老百姓的真正問題;(二)馬英九重視兩岸関係的緩和,把恢復兩岸和諧當作重要使命,這種急切的態度,引起了臺灣人民的焦慮,也引起美國的不安,立法院中國民黨的本土派的反彈特別強烈。
馬英九所遭受的阻力,除了來自反對陣營(獨派),也來自自己的陣營(國民黨、親民黨),儘管在外交領域,馬英九憑著自己的國際視野和外語口才,為國民爭取到大幅的進步(免簽證待遇和經貿合作),但面對國内惡化的失業、低薪、物價問題,馬英九的團隊的反應總是太慢,這使得馬英九失去了年輕人的支持

President Ma Yingjiu won the election for his promise to fight against corruption and boost up the economy, and he enjoyed high support rate from the people after he took office in 2008, which read at 64 percent.  Apparently, Ma focused on a) rebuild a clean government; b) re-open the channel for cross-strait harmony; c) regain trust from international community; d) economic project for 6-3-3 (6% as annual growth, U$ 30 thousand for per capita  GDP and unemployment rate below 3%); e) twelve construction projects for Taiwan.  What Ma actually started with was to build closer tie with PRC, hoping Taiwan may get free ride and boost as China rises energetically in economy.
Theoretically, Ma should be capable of pushing his policies through as KMT held majority of the seats in Legislature and KMT legislators will endorse KMT president without hesitation, but the situations were not actually so, because 1) Ma preferred to hire high-profiled professors or scholars, who excelled in theories but lacked practical experience, so this elitism pulled Ma away from citizens' opinions, and the legislators elected by voters believed Ma has failed voters; 2) Ma paid special attention to the detente in cross-strait relationship, and regarded the cross-strait harmony a great mission.  This kind of eagerness from Ma has brought about anxiety among Taiwanese, unease from the US, and strong rebuff from the localist faction within KMT
The resistance against Ma came partly from antagonistic parties, partly from fellow KMT members.  Ma may enjoy achievements in diplomatic arena (such as Visa Waiver Status from many countries and further cooperation with them) by means of his international charisma, but suffer even greater setback in answering to more serious issues such as staggering unemployment, low salary and pricy livelihood, which made Ma the target for criticism among younger generation.

正如陳水扁總統曾遭遇的紅衫軍全國倒扁的示威,馬英九也面臨白衫軍的倒馬示威,之後還發生了太陽花學運,雖然導致的原因不同,但反映的社會心態卻很類似,那就是對政府的高度不滿和不信任。
As Chen Shuibian suffered the embarrassing demonstration by "red-shirted army" during his term, Ma was also picketed by "white-shirted army", followed by "sun flower student movement".   The triggering event may be different, while the motivation behind was the same, i.e. highly disatisfaction and discredit on the incombent.

馬英九執政的八年,儘管因為國際大環境的不景氣,人民對國家經濟的衰退感到極度不安,但馬所推動的各項建設,以及外交上的明顯成就,都有清楚的數字和排名作為證明,但反對者只相信各種泛綠媒體的不實宣傳,惡意引用外國媒體被誤導的結論來污名化馬政府的所有貢獻,連馬政府決定多做少說,繼續默默努力,也被曲解為傲慢和麻木,馬的支持者也會抱怨馬對反對陣營太弱勢,缺乏壓制對方的魄力!
Although the global economic climate over the eight years of Ma's presidency has been gloomy and cast Taiwanese into intense anxiety of insecurity, the progress in nation-wide infrastruction and Taiwan's foreign relationships was obvious with the support of clear statistics. However, these praise-worthy achievements were smeared with disbelief via distorted propaganda against Ma from the Pan-green media who always quoted conclusion from foreign media they successfully misled.  Ma's preference in doing it rather than claiming it,  his perseverance in doing something right were described as an attitude of arrogance and insensitivity.  Even people in the supporting camp complained that Ma has been too quiet and tolerating toward those who attacked him, that Ma should have shown some guts by fighting back.

馬英九是國民黨的官二代,天之驕子,從小就享盡人生優勢,在美國留學期間就跟在美國的臺灣民主勢力對抗,經常壓迫海外的台灣人,回到臺灣仍然繼續擁護國民黨的保守勢力,是阻礙臺灣民主進程的殺手。我們尊敬的阿輝伯曾經高舉著他的手,說馬英九是新台灣人,但是後來馬英九的言行讓他大大的失望,居然還代表國民黨黨員要求他辭掉黨主席的位置,真是恩將仇報。
Ma Yingjiu was born the second generation of government officials, enjoying all the privileges since childhood.  He has a history of oppressing overseas democratic movement of Taiwanese and continued to embrace the Tory faction of KMT after returning to Taiwan, resisting any effort to push Taiwan onward to democracy.  "Uncle Hui" once held up Ma's arm and presented him as a
"New Taiwanese" and got so disappointed later when hearing what Ma said and seeing what Ma did.  Li Denghui was forced to step down from the chair in KMT by motion initiated by Ma Yingjiu, the ungrateful rascal.


馬英九對前任總統陳水扁的追殺更是讓人不寒而慄,阿扁才卸任,馬政府就假司法之名對他展開大規模迫害,把所有的貪腐罪名都羅織在他身上,對他的家人也不放過,完全不顧民衆對阿扁的聲援和支持。
The persecution from Ma administration onto Chen Shuibian, the former president would make any observer speechless with shivers.  The very day when Chen stepped down from the leadership of the nation, Ma administration started the persecution on him under the pretax of judiciary, bringing all kinds of false charges of corruption on Chen just to lock him and his family in jail.  The appeal from people against this incriminatory action was totally ignored.

馬英九口口聲聲說依法治國,打擊貪腐,但在他的任内,多少的國民黨籍官員,包括地方父母官,立法院國民黨黨鞭人物等,紛紛被查出與商界勾結,公器私用,這個與他嚴厲批判的前政府有什麽不同?
Ma has declared loudly and repeatedly that he would rule the nation with law only and would root out corruption.  The truth is cases of malfiscance and collusion with interest groups were reported against all level of officials including a county magistate, a KMT's disciplinary caucus leader and more others.  It seemed  that the governance Ma vowed to bring to the nation was no difference from the one he criticized harshly.


後馬時代 (the Post-Ma Era)
後馬時代始於馬英九連任後二年,一方面藍綠長期惡鬥帶來了台灣公民覺醒,另一方面中國經濟崛起在全世界造成旋風,加重了台灣民眾的焦慮感而馬英九急於讓臺灣搭上順風車的種種作法,被部份台灣人民理解為「親中賣台」,因此連續引發了「白衫軍」全台抗議,以及「太陽花學生運動」。

The Post-Ma Era started as early as the third year after Ma's reelection,  when the white-shirted army and the sun flower protesting students rose up against Ma owing to the following backdrops: on one hand the prolonged bickering wars between Pan Blue and Pan Green has sickened Taiwanese and has brought about awakening among citizens; 2) Taiwanese started to feel more and more anxious and threatened about the global economic rise of China, while the ROC President promoted policies to enjoy "free rides" from China, an intention interpreted by some Taiwanese as an act of toadiness to China and betrayal of Taiwan.

白衫軍抗議起因於軍中長期不當管教,漠視人權;太陽花學運則起因於立法院國民黨企圖以黑箱作業通過兩岸服貿協議。表面上都不應該歸咎於馬英九本人,但由於馬團隊輕忽了民眾的不滿,再加上綠營不斷炒作「馬政府傲慢,馬團隊無能」的印象,這兩度的社會動蕩,讓中間選民也對馬政府喪失信心,二〇一四年國民黨各層的候選人在七合一選舉中遭到重大挫折,連台北市的市長寶座也輸給了偏綠的政治素人柯文哲,得到馬英九出馬背書的候選人,大部分都沒選上,馬英九從此成了“票”房毒藥

The Protest of White-shirted Army was to vent people's anger against the inhumane treatment commonly found in military service, and the Sun Flower Movement was triggered by the outrageous manner of KMT Legislators forcing the passage of agreement on cross-strait cooperation of service industries.  Ma Yingjiu was not the person to bear the blame actually, but his tendency to play around with people's anger, further lavened by DPP's portraying Ma as an arrogant and incompetent leader,  cost KMT all the confidence left within the middle liners.  Most candidates endorsed by Ma lost in the Seven-in-One election in 2014, and KMT mayoral candidate of Taipei lost the election to Ke Wenzhe, a candidate without partisan background at all.  Ma's endorsement was generally regarded by candidates as poisonous and dreadful.

民進黨黨主席蔡英文在二〇一二總統大選中年敗選,但她從年輕世代身上凝聚了強大的動能,從校園到網路世界,她以更能打動年輕人的語言,不斷吸引年輕世代的支持,這樣的情況經過四年的經營,形成了一股難以阻擋了力量。馬英九主政年代,國民黨内部鬥爭不斷,黨内完全不見對新人的栽培,這也注定了二〇一六政黨三度輪替的命運。

Cai Yingwen, the Chairman of DPP was defeated in the Presidential Election in 2012, but the momentum she managed to gain and gather did not stop and continue to grow toward the next campaign.  Young folks like her for her warm and down-to-earth language, voiced and repeated around all campuses and the cyber world, thus an unstoppable force has been formed.  Contrasting this with the inner conflicts constantly taking place within KMT party, and the absence of any plan to foster young blood, one may predict quite easily the coming of the third round of power rotation.





           











2008年4月8日 星期二

台灣選舉詞典 Terms in Taiwan's Election Campaign

[天下]台灣選舉詞典

南方周末   2008-03-06 10:47:27

  □本報記者 蘇永通 郭力 史哲 李小鳴
  
  編者按:  

  什麼是奧步,什麼是奧援,什麼是返聯,什麼是入聯?不在大陸通行的詞彙,放之台灣大選的語境下,是怎樣的含義?又折射出台灣在民主進程上怎樣的進步和徬徨?

  本報特遴選相關選舉詞彙,制作此“詞典”,以期有助於讀者在看熱鬧之餘,看清門道

    

  割喉
  
  馬英九輕車簡從,拋開黨內大佬,將縣市作為選戰“軍區”,全面動員地方諸侯,被認為是反制民進黨的割喉戰。“割喉”顧名思義,殺人快準狠,不擇手段。

   民進黨“第一軍師”邱義仁年輕時鑽研國共鬥爭和蘇共歷史,在2004年大選中擅打“割喉戰”,還發明新詞“割喉割到斷”。邱義仁以龐大的行政資源,籠絡 鄉鎮派系,或以公共建設的補助款或政策,脅迫泛藍的縣市首長,令其無法全力以赴支援本黨候選人。國民黨的鄉鎮陣地幾乎全面崩潰,藍綠分界線,從濁水溪北移 到大安溪。
  
  奧步
  
  閩南語中,“奧”意為“不好”、“差”,“步”是“想法”、“招數”,“奧步”就是違反公平競爭,非正義或者非法的手段,陰招、損招。

  距離大選不到20天,馬英九打出選情告急牌,因為民進黨是“執政沒半步,選舉有奧步”。

  馬英九的擔心有道理。

  除去“3‧19槍擊案”,2006年底高雄市長選舉中,捏造的“走路工事件”讓國民黨候選人黃俊英含恨;1998年,吳敦義敗在偽造的“緋聞錄音帶”上。

  這回國民黨列出民進黨可能使用的四類“奧步”:比如大打綠卡牌的“變造法”,製造人身安全攻擊或族群衝突的“悲情牌”,造馬英九、國民黨與大陸關係的“抹紅法”,以及可能製造台海衝突,讓軍人無法投票。
  
  站台
  
  原本親綠的美女作家兼主持人吳淡如,已確定在“三八節”為馬站台。“總統”候選人會舉行各類造勢活動,知名人士到場為候選人助威,稱為“站台”。

  既然能站上台子,其主角當然不是平頭百姓,除了政治明星、社會名流,還有知名主持、演藝明星,能幫助候選人大大拉近和選民的距離。

  要是李登輝這等人物出場,影響就更不一般。2004年,李登輝營造“扁李(李登輝)同台”效果,被外界認為是綠營取勝的關鍵因素之一。
  
  奧援
  
  站台“聲援”重在形式,“奧援”重在內容。“奧援”一詞出自明代《先撥志始》“奧援有靈,朝廷無法”,指暗中支援的力量。選舉中的“奧援”,更多指公開支援,且是有力的靠山。

  說陳水扁“瘋了”,再也不會與其同台的李登輝,是否會成為謝長廷的“奧援”?他還沒正式錶態,但他說,謝長廷如果慘敗,台灣的“民主化”將延緩20年。

  能成為“奧援”者,必須有頭有臉,一般具有“深藍”、“深綠”或是知名人士等標簽意義的人物,且擁有一定的社會資源,對選舉能起到實質的援助作用。

  2000年大選,中央研究院院長、諾貝爾獎穫得者李遠哲公開挺扁,被認為起到“臨門一腳”的作用。
  
  西瓜效應
  
  “西瓜偎(靠)大邊”,這句閩南俚語形容人們隨大流、見風使舵。

  國民黨在“1‧12”立委選舉中大穫全勝,媒體認為“西瓜效應”出現--司法、檢調系統紛紛表態,醫界團體由綠轉藍,“二二八事件”受難家屬逐步認同,以及獨派聯盟成員錢橙山(前台聯秘書長)夫婦公開支援,原本兩邊押寶的企業領袖親迎馬下鄉,等等。

  而對手謝長廷則說,國民黨操縱“西瓜效應”。比如受馬英九控告的檢察官侯寬仁請辭,他推測,侯遭受巨大壓力不得不離開,讓大家看到一面倒傾斜力量的恐怖。他對選民說,國民黨一旦一黨獨大,台灣的民主政治將倒退。
  
  鐘擺效應
  
  民進黨贏了2004年大選,國民黨大勝“三合一”,民進黨拿下高雄市長,國民黨掌控“立法會”。--2004年以來,台灣重要選舉中,兩黨勝敗輪番交替。

  壁上觀的學者說,選民自覺做出“政治制衡”,避免一黨連勝獨大。這現象就如同鐘襬,襬到左,再襬回右,決不往同一方向連襬兩次,遂稱此為“鐘襬效應”。早在1998年,台北市長選舉之中,新黨的趙少康首以“鐘襬理論”預測陳水扁在2000年勝選。

  到了2008年,這個詞跟“西瓜效應”一起,常掛評論員嘴邊和字裏行間,更在藍綠的政客心頭碾來碾去:國民黨勝了“立委選舉”,下一次呢?輪到民進黨了?

  謝長廷的回應是:不是什麼西瓜還是鐘襬,隻相信民主效應。
  
  票倉
  
  這不是囤積選票的倉庫,在台灣,票源集中且穩固的地方被稱為“票倉”。超過台灣人口1/7的台北縣,被稱為全台第一票倉。

  從大的版圖看,以台灣中部濁水溪為界,“北藍南綠”明顯:外省人聚居的北部台北、桃園、新竹和苗栗諸縣市,是泛藍以及國民黨的主要票倉,而以閩南人為主的南部台南、嘉義和高雄諸縣市,是泛綠以及民進黨的主要“票倉”。

  前台北市長馬英九很帥很有魅力,常有女粉絲拿著內褲追索簽名。可台灣人也常說,馬英九再有魅力也過不了濁水溪(意指外省人發展不到南部)。“外省人”馬英九還是跨過濁水溪,深入雲林、嘉義、台南,寄宿民宅同吃同住同勞動,以閩南方言“開講”,直搗“綠營票倉”。
  
  拜票
  
  簡單說,就是候選人在選舉前到處拜訪,請求選民給自己投上一票。

  關於選舉,曾有個說法,“如果你輸了,那是因為你見的人還不夠多,握的手還不夠多”。台灣候選人深得此話要領,於是要放下架子,走街串巷,跟老百姓扯家常,跟年輕人講段子,也要不顧衛生嚐街邊小吃,如此才彰顯親民形象,打動百姓內心最柔軟部位。

  而花車游街、招待餐會、文宣材料也是重要拜票方式,甚至電話、網路也能拿來拜票,激烈處候選人當眾下跪,是為“跪票”。

  當然,對待特殊選民,或者選情膠著時刻,幹脆直接拿鈔票拜選票。
  
  樁腳
  
  是指選戰中在基層為選舉人固樁的工作人員。他們的身份或明或暗,但往往勢力大,腰杆子硬,人脈廣、影響力大並且動員力、行動力超強。

  樁腳有大有小,按照一定的序列組成“傳銷”般的網路。國民黨長期統治台灣,其樁腳往往依照傳統上的行政序列--鄉鎮長、村裏長、鄰長--參與拉票。現在,大企業波士、黑道大佬也往往成為“樁腳”。

  樁腳更經常的還要參與賄選,資金籌措、買票金額的確定、買票的把握等都事前規劃妥當,形同企業經營。
  
  變盤
  
  選舉各方的支援率、勝負在短時間內急劇變化,就是“變盤”。

  台灣選舉史上最大的“變盤”當是2004年“大選”前夜的“3‧19槍案”。撲朔迷離的兩槍,令連戰宋楚瑜民調支援率領先5%的“盤”,在一夜之間,“變”為實際得票率落敗不足1%。

  2006年底高雄市長選舉前夜突發“走路工”事件,國民黨候選人黃俊英民調領先5%的“盤”,變為1114票之差落敗於民進黨候選人陳菊。“一朝被蛇咬,十年怕井繩”。儘管目前馬英九的民調領先謝長廷,誰知道這個“盤”會不會一“變”再“變”。
  
  切割
  
  “長扁切割了嗎?”謝長廷遭親綠學者質問。謝的回答是,本土認同方面無法切割,言下之意,其他層面都可以和陳水扁切割開來。

  選舉語態下的“切割”,是快刀斬斷令自己不利的人際關係和議題,摒除不利因素。

  支援藍營的妹妹是綠營“立委”哥哥的切割對象,弊案纏身的阿扁也能成為切割對象,李登輝也曾說:“他是他,我是我。”

  因為泛藍將大選取位為“對陳水扁不信任”的投票,而謝長廷也因此在有意與其區隔,以示清廉和正義,甚至亮出“三不”。
  
  抹紅
  
  選戰之前,“紅色”成為候選人惟恐避之不及的顏色,此“紅”不是紅衫軍,而被拿來指代“共產黨”、“大陸”。

  兩岸長期對峙,加之台灣島內反大陸的宣傳,民眾對與“紅色”相關的事物表現出強烈牴觸。而一旦被扣上“紅帽子”,就倣佛向大陸出賣台灣利益。

  2000年選舉時,面對宋楚瑜的強勁勢頭,國民黨和民進黨曾聯合發佈民調,稱在三個可能當選的候選人中“中共最愛宋楚瑜”。

  今年3月3日,民進黨剪接了馬英九有條件“承認大陸學歷”的談話,把“條件”剪掉反覆播放,意為一旦馬英九上台,就會出賣台灣利益。

  可見,候選人任何與大陸有關的話題,都可能變成對手抹紅的佐料。
  
  做票
  
  李敖說:“台灣的民主就是假的。為什麼假?大部分都靠做票。”

  “做票”,就是利用各種手段,製造有利於自己的票數結果,比買票更令人防不勝防。年初“立委”選舉,國民黨綿密部署人員於各個開票所內外,防止監票漏洞。

  此前,國民黨飽受“做票之害”。2004年選舉,廢票高達33萬張。

  其實,台灣“做票”的始作俑者是國民黨。兩蔣時期,當局開放部分職位公開選舉,結果幾乎毫無懸念,總是國民黨提名的候選人穫勝,偶爾出現意外情況,國民黨也總有辦法扭轉乾坤--或者把黨外候選人的票弄臟成廢票,或者開票一半突然停電將票箱掉包……
  
  台商票
  
  西進大陸的台商越來越多,其選票成為兩黨爭奪目標,以往兩岸經貿議題被民進黨作為選舉毒藥,這次竟也包裝成競選大禮。

  從北京到台北,隔了海峽和數千里路,僅往返周折的機票就要5000塊。可台商珍視選舉權利,還是想用投票表達意願,不然,看到自己討厭的人主政,會難過上4年。

  多數台商是國民黨兩岸政策的擁躉,但也有少數台商坦言,其實民進黨上台反而有利於他們長期穫得大陸關照,其優惠在近年才有所減少。

  今年大選,號稱有20萬台商返鄉投票。2月份,陳水扁放出煙幕,“大赦”違規投資大陸的台商,似要拉攏選票。另一邊,又有消息說,台商“投票包機”遭到訂票的“技術阻撓”。綠營還批評北京“台企聯”以機票優惠價格,安排選舉包機讓台商回台投票,是變相買選票。
  
  走路工/買票
  
  走路工,源於閩南語“行路工”,代勞報酬的文雅說辭,選舉中指小額買票行為,候選人為吸引選民支援,製造人氣,透過樁腳或者輔選系統,以現金(一般以車馬費、茶水費為名)或禮物動員選民,屬於法律灰色地帶。

  現在,走路工更重要的不在於能買到多少票,而是作為負面新聞,被用來抹黑或者“抹紅”,以影響選情。

  2005年台北縣長選舉民進黨候選人羅文嘉,與2006年高雄市長選舉國民黨候選人黃俊英,都在“走路工事件”的陰影下敗選。
  
  “入聯公投”/“返聯公投”
  
  2月1日,台灣“中選會”宣佈“入聯公投案”和“返聯公投案”成立。

  “入聯公投”由民進黨提出,全名為“以台灣名義加入聯合國全國性公民投票案”。民進黨當局再次將公投與“總統大選”捆綁進行,刺激泛綠民眾投票支援本黨“總統候選人”的目的明顯。

  國民黨也隨即提出“推動中華民國以務實、有彈性的策略重返聯合國及加入其他國際組織全國性公民投票案”,1月間,國民黨又將“中華民國”改為“我國”。作為競選策略,意在抵消“入聯公投”的催票作用。

  無論以“台灣”名義“加入”,還是以“中華民國”名義“重返”聯合國,本質上並無重大區別。就連美國也說“台灣或中華民國此刻在國際社會中,都不是個國家”。

  兩個公投的要害在於:台灣2300萬人就事關“國家前途”的重大議題進行“公民投票”是否會成為慣例,以及台灣究竟有多大比例的民眾反對台獨。
  
  “防禦性公投”
  
  台灣“公民投票法”規定公投立案需經複雜的程式,但第十七條寫明:當“國家”遭受外力威脅,以致“國家主權”有改變之虞,“總統”得經“行政院”院會之決議,就攸關“國家安全”事項,交付公民投票。這就是“防禦性公投”。

  其本意在於使公民投票能“在緊急狀況下”立即展開,但陳水扁卻特別看重“總統”“不需經其他機構授權而能自主設定公投議題”的權利。

  2004年台灣“總統選舉”時,他推出“是否需要購買武器以抵禦大陸軍事威脅”的“防禦性公投”,以影響選情。

  今年2月,陳水扁聲明不會重施舊技。但正如台灣時事評論員胡忠信所說,對陳水扁這個“分分鐘都會變的人”,“還是要時刻提防的”。
  
  AIT
  
  美國在台協會(American Institute in Taiwan)的簡稱。

  1978年中美建交,美國次年根據《與台灣關係法》設定了這一“非營利性民間機構”,總部華盛頓,並設“台北辦事處”。目前該機構職員三百多人,都是正“休假”的美國國務院公務員。該機構也被授權辦理與大使館相同的事務,包括核發美國簽證與護照等。

  AIT對台灣選情有特殊影響力。1月13日,AIT理事主席薄瑞光向陳水扁重申反對“入聯公投”。同月,AIT台北辦事處處長楊蘇棣也密會馬英九、謝長廷。
  
  轉型正義
  
  民主政體下,對過去的威權政府的不正義行為的調查、矯正與賠償,稱為“轉型正義”。

  台灣的民主政治建立以後,諸如對“二二八事件”的調查以及“二二八事件處理及賠償條例”的出台、民進黨政府對國民黨“不當黨產”的追討等等,都是“轉型正義”的體現。

  可惜的是,國民黨除了馬英九的“道歉”,真正的反省並不算充分;而民進黨反覆操弄“悲情”,也無非把“轉型正義”當作工具。

  選戰來臨,“轉型正義”隨之頻繁露面:從提案“二二八究責條例”,到拆除“大中至正”牌匾等“去蔣化”運動,藍綠的“政治口水”來來回回之間,台灣學者隻能感慨“所有好東西在台灣都變了樣”。
  
  台灣維新,和解共生
  
  謝長廷的競選口號。他用“維新”來概括“改革大計”,他也說,“不同的政治理念和立場”不應“陷入惡鬥內耗”,所以如果勝選,也要跟馬英九合作,發揚“和解共生的精神”,“一起守護台灣”。

  “和解共生”或許是謝長廷的處世之道。2005年,面對民進黨內惡鬥,他選擇赴美進修。任高雄市長期間,他也曾推動“兩岸直航”,並試圖訪問廈門。

  不過,選情緊要,當然“選票放中間,和解擱兩邊”。於是馬英九有沒有美國“綠卡”,還是成為謝陣營攻擊的重要話題。
  
  “新三不”
  
  選舉之前,候選人各自抬出選舉政綱、口號。

  馬英九拿“新三不”作其選舉政綱“兩岸政策”的核心表述,即“不統、不獨、不武”。他說,不做“麻煩製造者”,所謂“不獨”就是不推新“憲法”或“台灣共和國”。

  謝長廷曾以“與馬英九一樣”來概括其兩岸政綱。在三通等議題上,馬謝兩人無根本分歧。

  有趣的是謝長廷的“新三不”,同樣堅決與陳水扁切割。今年1月27日謝長廷登記參選“總統”完畢後承諾:當選後,他與家人將不從事任何股票買賣行為、不擔任任何基金會董事、不與公家機關進行商業行為。   

馬英九到南投果菜市場拜票,受到攤販和菜籃族熱烈歡迎,還有人準備海報讓馬英九簽名 江良誠/圖